Material Culture Studies: An Annotated Bibliography (2 of 2) Soledad Altrudi

OBJECTS IN EVERYDAY LIFE

Affective objects

Attfield, J. (2000). Wild things: The material culture of everyday life. Oxford: Berg.

Attfield’s work is grounded in material culture studies, with which it shares the exploration of how modern artefacts are appropriated by consumers and thus transformed from manufactured products to become the stuff of everyday life, and how they have a direct involvement with matters of identity. However, this book centers more on the design stage of objects, the study of which Attfield wants to dislodge from traditional aesthetic frames devised by conventional art and to present as just one more aspect of the material culture of the everyday. Moreover, while acknowledging that design in this context refers not to a good design aesthetic but to a form of objectifying sociality, she also posits that things remain wild because they never merely “do what they are told;” that is, they fail to always act as their makers intended because things have an attitude and they talk back in their dynamic existence in the material world.

Csikszentmihalyi, M., & Halton, E. (1981). The meaning of things: Domestic symbols and the self. Cambridge University Press

The meaning of things is, essentially, an empirical analysis of the interactions between persons and objects. As a whole, this work is representative of studies of material culture of the late 1970s and early 1980s in that it seeks to demonstrate that objects do not merely reflect culture but actively contribute to meaning processes. Its greatest contribution is the schematization of object-person relationships in 3 levels, the one pertaining to the individual self (things express and anticipate qualities of the self), the social self (objects as symbols of social integration and differentiation, as well as role models of socialization) and the cosmic self (they also signify broader, more existential meanings). Moreover, although race and class difference are absent from analysis, there is a good discussion on the relations of people with objects as they grow older and why that might be. However, while this book grants objects agentic capacity, as makers and users of the humans who make them and use them, it fails to consider the ontology of objects outside the specific instances in which those are made meaningful to persons. And even when it does, it concentrates solely in the symbolic meaning of things as applied to the development of self- and social psychic consciousness.

Edwards, E. (1999). Photographs as objects of memory. In Candlin, F., & Guins, R. (Ed.s) (2008). The object reader. Routledge

The focus of this chapter is on the photograph and its presentational forms as material culture because, Edwards argues, it is precisely that materiality what grants photographs a privileged position as conduits of memory. Put differently, it is not just the image that is contemplated but the material form in which it is presented what works to make photographs a socially salient object, one specifically created to remember. Thus, far from considering this materiality as neutral support, Edwards delves on its plasticity as an object that can be handled, framed, crumpled, caressed, put under a pillow or wept over, which ultimately makes it an intrinsically active thing that demands a physical engagement. Overall, this chapter is a great addition to material culture studies as it presents photographs in a new light that, without discounting the image itself, adds a new layer of complexity to these everyday, fascinating objects.

Hallam, E., & Hockey, J. (2001). Death, memory and material culture. Oxford: Berg Publishers

The starting point for this work is that facing death, ours or that of a loved one, entails ritualized social practices that mobilize domains of material objects, visual images and written text. This sets the tone, as the rest of the book focuses on artifacts and embodied social practices, both of which are crucial ways of producing and sustaining memories that, by connecting our present with the past, provide a sense of recovery of those lost. While the authors cover a spectrum of materials and detail how they were employed in specific cultures and times, they also stress the role of space - the spatial context of objects and the spatially located practices - as yet another fundamental dimension of material cultures of death. Ultimately, this book demonstrates that the material dimensions of memory making are significant because they constitute social and cultural processes through which lives are remembered (and futures, imagined) and also because they mark our deaths and remind us of our own mortality. Although the elaborate articulation of these terms marks this book as a unique contribution to the field of material studies, other salient contributions of this book include: 1) the recovery of marginalized memory practices via its attention to what occurs in domestic spheres; 2) its demonstration of the flexibility of (many different) objects to be re-contextualized and made to signify different things; and 3) the acknowledgment of the disturbing and powerful social agency that materialities can have.

Memento mori: small two-sided ivory pendant produced in the Netherlands around 1500. View of young woman / View of cadaver ‘Ecce Finem’ © Trustees of the Wernher Foundation

Miller, D. (2008). The comfort of things. Cambridge: Polity.

Although this book follows a similar methodology to The meaning of things (see above), its output is entirely different. Here, Miller has transformed the information his team gathered on a random street in London about the stuff that people have in their homes into a rich ethnographic account broken into thirty individual stories. Clearly aligned with his dialectical conceptual perspective, these “portraits” explore the roles of objects in our relationships to each other and to ourselves, ultimately showing that the closer our relationships are with objects, the closer those are too with people. 

Moran, A., & O'Brien, S. (Eds.). (2014). Love objects: Emotion, design and material culture. London: Bloomsbury.

Appropriately titled, this anthology focuses on material embodiments of love and, like Miller, explores the potency of objects in our lives and the relationships that exist between people and them. Additionally, although it does look at objects as symbols and representations, it also casts them as active participants in and mediators of our relationships. However, the contribution that this work makes to this list is a gender studies perspective to the analysis of a set of less studied objects, such as the playboy’s pipe, sex shops for women in London or amateur female shoemaking, as well as objects traditionally linked with the female, domestic sphere. 

Turkle, S. (2008). “Objects inspire”. In Candlin, F., & Guins, R. (2008). The object reader. London: Routledge.

This is a short article that explores the role of objects as things that inspire, focusing specifically in the importance of objects in the development not just of an interest but a love for science. After relaying the overdetermined stories of Lacan (who was inspired by knots) and Sacks (who found reassuring stability in the periodic table), Turkle explains that those objects that "speak to" a child are important not because of the ideas they inspire but because they provide children with the feeling of having a "charge," a "thrill" or a "secret theory" that leads them to want to have more. This emotion constitutes the transitional space of learning. 

Turkle, S. (Ed.). (2007). Evocative objects: Things we think with. Cambridge, MA: MIT press.

This book is a fundamental resource in material culture studies as it contributed to popularizing the study of objects as things that are part of ourselves (and vice versa). Organized as a series of brief autobiographical essays, this collection explores in-depth how objects can be companions to our emotional lives as well as provocations of thought processes. In addition to providing a detailed examination of objects in their connections to daily life, the book also engages with them as intellectual practice and so intersperses excerpts from other theorists, from Levi-Strauss to Sontag to Piaget, to add to the analysis. The piece, as whole, effectively demonstrates the potency of objects in our everyday lives as they bring together intellect and emotion.

Clockwise: A comic, a rolling pin, a suitcase. In Turkle (2007), Evocative objects

TECHNOLOGICAL ARTIFACTS AS MATERIAL CULTURE

Akrich, M. (1992). The De-Scription of Technical Objects. In Wiebe Bijker and John Law (Eds). Shaping Technology / Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994

This text is part of the cluster of works that constitute a more radical approach to the study of things, such as that represented by Actor Network Theory, in that Akrich posits technical objects as full participants in the building of heterogenous networks that bring together human and nonhuman actants. Moreover, this is a good piece to engage with notions of user appropriation, namely how those who interact with, in this case, technical objects are able to invent new practices and applications and thus alter the “script” inscribed in those objects by designers.  

Eglash, R. (2006). Technology as material culture. In Tilley, C., S. Kuchler, M. Rowlands, & P. Spyer (Eds.), Handbook of material culture (pp. 329-340. London: SAGE. 

In this piece, Eglash provides an overview of the history of social analysis of technology. Although to certain audiences this might be too brief and elementary of an overview, its strength lies in the useful mapping of fundamental thinkers and key works. After describing the more commonly known perspectives of technological determinism and social construction, Eglash focuses on actor-network-theory as a site of postmodernist analysis, and ends with a rather abstract discussion on complexity theory and its synthesis with technological analysis. 

Latour, B.  (1994). Where are the Missing Masses? The Sociology of a Few Mundane Artifacts. In Wiebe Bijker and John Law (Eds). Shaping Technology / Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

The missing masses the title mentions refers to the sum of those nonhumans that, although hidden, make up our morality and constrain our daily activities in the world (which is reminiscent of Miller’s theoretical insight about the humility of things). From doors to speed bumps, these objects have been recipients of force as well as values, duties and ethics. Thus, the premise of this short text is that we need to rethink society by adding to it the facts and the artifacts that make up large sections of our social ties (which also means revising traditional social theories where the missing masses truly are). 

Magaudda, P. (2014). The broken boundaries between science and technology studies and cultural sociology: Introduction to an interview with Trevor Pinch. Cultural Sociology, 8(1), 63-76

Although this piece has a strong focus on Science and Technology Studies (STS) and musical technologies, it is a good resource to understand how this field and cultural studies intersect when it comes to the analysis of things. In particular, it highlights the centrality of objects and materiality in classical STS empirical studies, even if those are sometimes solely read as signifiers of a complex social world (which is also the case in some cultural studies works), as well as the key role material culture—and technical objects in particular—plays in shaping social processes and cultural universes.

Kline, R. and Pinch, T. (1996). Users as Agents of Technological Change: The Social Construction of the Automobile in the Rural United States. Technology and Culture 37(4), 763–795

This work takes the case of the introduction of the car in rural Unites States to demonstrate an empirical application of the authors’ model of social construction of technology (known as SCOT, developed elsewhere) and as such represents a seminal piece in the field of STS. Like Akrich’s, this text highlights how manipulation and physical engagement with objects by users can altogether expand the repertoire of things’ purposes, abilities or even identities—like a car becoming a butter churner. Moreover, it also shows not only how gender norms are reified through objects, but how institutional power can constrict and limit the fungibility of objects.

Vannini, P. (Ed.). (2009). Material culture and technology in everyday life: ethnographic approaches. New York: Peter Lang.

In conversation with modern material culture studies, Material culture and technology in everyday life conceives "material culture" and "technology" as one overlapping generative site from which to study the "attitude" of everyday life and the practices it manifests (sometimes known as techne). In other words, to study material culture is to look at the technology underpinning our culture, and to study technology is to study the material characteristics of everyday life. The interesting thing about the book is the multiple perspectives it encompasses as it provides accounts of different treatments of nonhuman others and their materiality, from SCOT and ANT to approaches that see objects as acquiring cultural meaning via narratives, to the author's preferred understanding: interactionist approaches that see material technoculture residing neither in nonhuman objects nor in human actors, but instead in the emergent product of their interaction. Additionally, the work includes more explicitly methodological and empirical chapters, as well as longer empirical studies, in line with the importance that the author assigns to ethnography as the method par excellence to study the mundane of everyday life.

COMMUNICATION MEDIA & MATERIALITY

Bazin, A. (1960). The Ontology of the Photographic Image. Film Quarterly, 13(4), 4–4.

In this piece, Bazin reflects on the idea of the preservation of life by a representation of life and, by discussing mummies, statuettes, paintings and ultimately photographs in these terms, he is exploring the role that material objects play in memory keeping and death related rituals. Additionally, this work reflects on the photographic camera as a nonliving agent able to automatically form a realistic, objective image of the world, which ultimately enables photography to embalm time and grants it a heightened quality of credibility.

Brown, B. (2015). Other things. Chicago [Illinois]: The University of Chicago Press

Extending his theoretical interest centered on the thingness of things (which is different from objecthood), Brown attempts here to connect that line of work with renewed interest and newer approaches to the study of things (some of which are mentioned here) while providing a historical analysis of the literary and visual arts’ approach or apprehension of the object world in the form of a series of broad-ranging readings on “other things,” from Achille’s shield, a piece of sand glass to a cellphone. Overall, while he recognizes the fact that, no matter how banal, objects have unanticipated force, Brown rejects a “flat ontology” and challenges the retreat into the object characteristic of posthumanist approaches.

Garvey, E. (2012). Alternative histories in African-American scrapbooks. In Writing with scissors: American scrapbooks from the Civil War to the Harlem Renaissance (pp. 131–171). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

This chapter in Garvey’s book is a significant addition to this list of material culture studies because it demonstrates a comparatively less explored facet of stuff, which is that things that circulate can also create communities. While the histories those scrapbooks told in the 19th and early 20th century were meant to fill the gaps in mainstream accounts that failed to properly assert African American importance in the country’s history, the scrapbooks themselves had a life and presence within black communities as they were made available for others to read in people’s homes or passed hand to hand. In this context, these mediated interrelationships in a way that not only helped nurture and sustain a shared identity but also created a counterpublic.

Left to right: Page of Alexander Gumby’s scrapbook. In Garvey (2012), Writing with scissors. Reel to Reel, installation by Jeff Shore and Jon Fisher. On the cover of Sterne (2012), MP3.

Gillespie, T., Boczkowski, P. J., & Foot, K. A. (Eds.). (2014). Media technologies: Essays on communication, materiality, and society. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press

Understading media technologies as complex sociomaterial phenomena, this book seeks to shed light on the often-understudied materiality of devices and networks (without disregarding its relationship and strong linkages with the symbolic) following approaches that stem from the meeting point between communication and media studies on the one hand and science and technology on the other. Of more relevance for this list is this book’s Part I, which specifically focuses on the materiality of mediated knowledge and expression, and considers how communication technology studies might also engage more fully with the materiality of the devices themselves without necessarily opening itself to charges of simple technological determinism.

McLuhan, M. “The medium is the message.” In, McLuhan, M. A., & Lapham, L. H. (1994). Understanding media: The extensions of man. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. 

With his now over-cited phrase “the medium is the message,” McLuhan’s work is another cornerstone of a list that wants to bring together material culture and communication studies together in dialog.  Treating the sign as the thing, media appear in this analysis as constitutive of civilization and of being itself, as extensions of ourselves and our senses, rather than as mere holders of (or means for) content.

Sterne, J. (2012). MP3 the meaning of a format. Durham, N.C: Duke University Press.

In this account, Sterne goes over the mutual-shaping process by which the development of the MP3 influenced and was influenced by cultural shifts, one that extends back to the early days of psychoacoustics at AT&T’s Bell Labs, while simultaneously highlighting the interconnected histories of sound and communication in the 20th century. This book works to demonstrate how analog but also digital things (because software and data have their own materialities) like compression and formats shape the cultural practices of listening to music, communicating and representing, and how communication technologies, in all their physicality as well as their articulation with particular practices, are a fundamental part of what it means to speak or hear.

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Soledad Altrudi is a PhD candidate at USC’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, where she works at the intersection of STS and media studies, and explores the various effects that technology has on our environment as well as on human/non‐human‐other entanglements. Her dissertation focuses on Parque Nacional Patagonia as a case of rewilding in the Anthropocene, one that entails not only a conservation strategy but also works as a device for ordering human-nonhuman interactions in a highly mediatized environment.

Material Culture Studies: An Annotated Bibliography (1 of 2) Soledad Altrudi

I am often asked about the “stuff” in the title of my new book, Comics and Stuff. While work on material culture is now common place across many different fields in the humanities and social sciences (from Literary studies to art history to sociology and anthropology), it is still less well known in media studies or more broadly in the study of popular culture. So one goal of my book is to open up space for interdisciplinary discussions between scholars of popular media and scholars of material culture. I have found digging into this “stuff” illuminating in part because it helps us to map the relations between popular culture and everyday life through a lens other than (though not necessarily excluding) fandom studies. Stuff, like other aspects of culture, is “ordinary” in the ways that Raymond Williams famously used that term. We use our stuff to map our identities, to express our pleasures, to make meaning and order of our lives. There are many schools for thinking about material culture but I have found that focus on “stuff” as resources from which identity construction and meaning making emerges to be the most generative for my own work. The following bibliography was produced by Soledad Altrudi, one of my PhD candidates, as the end product of an independent readings semester she did with me last fall. This is a somewhat different mix of scholarship than I drew upon in my book, though many of the readings overlap. I wanted to share it with my blog readers to suggest the wide array of working being done today on material culture and everyday life and to provide some potential background reading that might help expand and inform the conversations my book hopes to initiate. Dig into this stuff and share your thoughts—Henry Jenkins

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Material Culture Studies – An Annotated Bibliography

Soledad Altrudi

The term “material culture” and “material culture studies” (MCS) appeared during the 20th century from within the fields of archeology and socio-cultural anthropology, although its roots can be found in museum-based studies of technology of the 19th century. Back then, artifacts like spears, knives or shields were taken as material vehicles through which different cultures were retroactively understood and ordered across time and space in a “scientific manner.” However, MCS’s emergence as a distinct field of study can be traced back to the 1970s and 1980s, when a battle was fought against mainstream social science to try to demonstrate that things did matter; that is, that focusing on material things was not synonymous with fetichizing them but rather that material forms constituted a key mechanism for social reproduction and ideological dominance.

Despite its narrow origins, MCS presently involves researchers from a wide range of fields, making interdisciplinarity one of its salient characteristics. But not all theoretical traditions engage with material culture in the same way. For example, “classic” critical approaches rooted in Marxist theory are concerned with production-based analyses that present material culture solely as an instance of capitalist ideology, as commodities that alienated subjects are no longer able to appropriate through consumption. Structuralist and semiotic analyses give more capabilities to objects and instead approach them as signs that refer to something other than themselves, as signifiers that point to culturally created and sustained signifieds. There are also more “radical” approaches to the study of things, such as actor-network-theory, which significantly extend the concept of agency beyond the human actors and make it a property of ‘non-humans’ too.

The bibliography you will find below focuses on cultural approaches to material culture, which share with the semiotic-structural tradition an insistence on objects as holders of important cultural meanings that do some sort of “cultural work,” like establishing identity or social status (although it also it breaks apart from that tradition because it is not equally committed to a strong model of linguistic structuralism). The study of objects within the realm of cultural studies is situated in a world that is filled with ongoing, local and vernacular processes of reinterpretation and appropriation, regardless of the intention of material goods as manufactured. In this context, culture is dynamically constituted through meaningful people-object interactions. 

This post intends to be an annotated, in-depth exploration of the study of material culture, mostly from this perspective. Thus, it reviews the field of “material culture studies” as an interdisciplinary space that takes things as its object of study. The first part is intended to cover the theoretical foundations of cultural approaches to the study of stuff, although it also includes more “radical” approaches. The second leaves the high theoretical ground to explore the roles that both objects in general and technological artifacts in particular play in everyday life. Finally, the last section concentrates on the connections of MCS and the field of communication, and considers the materiality of media technologies.

1) Theoretical Foundations:

Cultural approaches to material culture

Appadurai, A. (1986). The Social Life of Things: commodities in cultural perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

The contributors in this volume set out to reexamine commodities and the cultural determination of their value, conceiving them neither as value-free objects nor as just the result of human labor. In the introduction, Appadurai lays the theoretical ground on which the essays stand on, namely the idea that objects have social lives (or “cultural biographies”) and that what he calls the “commodity situation” is but one aspect of it, “the situation in which its exchangeability (past, present or future) for some other thing is its socially relevant feature.” In this biographical approach, things move in and out of the commodity state, depending on certain standards that define its exchangeability and the social environment or arena in which they are situated and exchanged. Although the idea of studying things through the idiom of life histories has a complex history of its own, this edited collection has been very influential in the study of material things because of its embrace of a cultural perspective for the analysis of objects and their meanings through successive recontextualizations.

Daston, L. (2004). Things that talk: Object lessons from art and science. New York: Zone Books.

Concerned with how talkativeness and thingness hang together, this book tries to “make things eloquent,” that is to make things talk without resorting to ventriloquism. In this sense, the essays in this collection aim to transcend the opposition between matter and meaning, and thus take for granted that things are simultaneously material and meaningful—that matter constrains meanings and vice versa. Some chapters focus on malleable things, like the Rorschach test, to show that even those have a bony materiality that needs to be accounted for, while others look at more stolidly functional things, like soap (and its bubbles), but highlight the “aura of the symbolic” they also radiate. Therefore, by emphasizing that things communicate by what they are as well as by how they mean, Things that talk constitutes a fantastic (and much needed) addition to the study of material culture.

Hicks, D. (2010) ‘The material-cultural turn’. In Hicks, D., & Beaudry, M. (2010). The Oxford handbook of material culture studies (pp. 25–98).  Oxford: Oxford University Press.

This chapter offers a very detailed yet effective historical overview of the study of “material culture,” from the early stages in museum-based studies of “technology” and “primitive art” to current debates over this idea, such as considering things as events and things as effects. This makes The material-cultural turn an excellent resource for continuous reference for those interested in this “field” as it excels at tracking important developments, punctuated as “turns,” in academic conceptions (from structuralist and semiotic approaches to practice theory and more agential approaches) as well as maps key scholars whose contributions have shaped material culture studies (such as Chris Tilley, Arjun Appadurai, Ian Hodder, Daniel Miller, Bruno Latour and Tim Ingold, among others).

Kopytoff, I. (1986). The cultural biography of things: commoditization as process. In Appadurai, A. (1986). The social life of things: Commodities in cultural perspective (pp. 64–91). Cambridge University Press

Although the entire work edited by Appadurai became a seminal resource for the study of material culture, Kopytoff’s chapter is particularly salient as it complements the idea of the “commodity situation” (as opposed to a fixed condition) by continuing to adopt a biographical line of analysis. In particular, he focuses on “the common” and “the singular” as it pertains to objects, and introduces the notions of saleability as the indicator of commodity status as well as non-saleability, which is what imparts to a thing a special aura of apartness from the mundane and the common. The main argument is that commodities can be singularized by being pulled out of their commodity sphere, particularly in the context of complex societies that present a clear yearning for singularization.

Mauss, M. (2009). Gifts and the obligation to return gifts. In F. Candlin & G. Raiford (Eds.), The object reader (pp. 21–31). London: Routledge.

This short text provides a detailed account of the rationale behind the system of exchange and obligation that constitutes the focus of the book The Gift. Building on the idea that gifts given among people in Polynesia and the American Northwest have to be reciprocated, Mauss locates the operating figure in the hau, the spiritual power of the thing (known as toanga), which always seeks to return to original owner and place of origin. Underlying these exchange patterns is the belief that things themselves are actually a part of the giver, which means that to give something is to give a part of oneself. Thus, the exchange is first and foremost a pattern of spiritual bonds between things which are to some extent parts of persons thus yielding proper human relationships.

McCracken, G. (1988). Culture and consumption: new approaches to the symbolic character of consumer goods and activities. Bloomington: Indiana University Press

Building from the fields of consumer behavior and anthropology, this book focuses on the inter-relation between culture and consumption, and provides a "systematic enquiry into the cultural and symbolic properties of consumer goods." After a historical overview of the making of the modern consumer with stops in the XVI, XVIII and XIX centuries, the book arrives at its linchpin: McCracken's model of how the meanings that operate in the culturally constituted world are transferred to consumer goods via certain mechanisms (advertisement and fashion) and then transferred to consumers via symbolic action (certain rituals). A crucial contribution this book makes to the study of material culture is its analysis on how material objects substantiate the cultural categories that organize everyday experience in the world. However, in McCracken's framework, things just signify -ideas, values, cultural properties, etc.; that is, they act as the vessels through which cultural principles and categories are made visible. In this sense, this book represents earlier stages in the study of stuff that disregard not just the material specificity of things but also how things can enact reality.

Miller, D. (1987). Material Culture and Mass Consumption. Oxford: Blackwell

Although rather abstract and highly theoretical, this earlier work by Miller comes as a response to the prevailing structuralist approach to consumption at the time of publication. Focused on material culture, mass consumption and theories of objectification, this book also outlines some of Miller’s key concepts including the humility of things (that apparently banal everyday objects order our world and mediate social relations silently), the idea of context in the study of material culture (that the pervasive presence of artifacts constitutes the context for modern life) and the extended application of anthropological studies of objects to the world of modern industrial capitalism (as opposed to the predominant focus on pre-industrial and non-Western situations). Overall, by departing from Marxist critical readings of objects as alienating commodities, this book highlights the productive nature of consumption as it discusses how modern consumers constantly transform those commodities into things of everyday use beyond what their intended, manufactured purpose was.

Miller, D. (2005). Materiality: an introduction. In Miller, D. (Ed.). (2005). Materiality. Duke University Press.

In this introduction to the homonymous book, Miller relies on philosophy to theoretically transcend the duality of subject–object as part of a wider attempt to distance himself from theories of representation (like semiotic analysis) that appreciate objects as signs and symbols that represent subjects (which reduces the former to the latter). Building on the work of Goffman, Gombrich, Hegel, Marx, Simmel, Maus and Bourdieu, among others, Miller revisits his argument about “the humility of things,” discusses the process and dialectics of objectification as well as how notions of agency and power affect materiality and material culture, and ultimately argues that it is necessary to show how the things that people make, make people.

Miller, D. (2010). Stuff. Cambridge: Polity.

Building on previous insight and ethnographic studies, Stuff continues to make the case for the replacement of a theory of stuff as representation with stuff as one part of a process of objectification—objects make us as part of the very same process by which we make them. Less theoretical and more empirical, Miller exemplifies his exploration through discussions of particular forms of clothing, housing, the Internet and cell phones, and life-stage shifts in relationships with the inanimate. Through these explorations, the book charts a path towards material culture studies not only by rejecting the popular view of stuff (as objects signifying) but also by presenting theories of material culture and demonstrating how those can be applied to the messy world of everyday life.

Woodward, I. (2007). Understanding material culture. London: SAGE

Also embracing a more positive/productive account of consumption and an approach that studies objects and people’s relations with them, this book seeks to demonstrate that “people require objects to understand and perform aspects of selfhood, and to navigate the terrain of culture more broadly.” However, what sets this book apart is the useful review of the diverse theoretical approaches to material objects as culture it provides, which transforms into a very valuable (and didactic) resource.

New Materialisms: Others as Agents

Tsing, A. L., Bubandt, N., Gan, E., & Swanson, H. A. (Eds.). (2017). Arts of Living on a Damaged Planet: Ghosts and Monsters of the Anthropocene. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Here the authors turn to the figures of "ghosts" and "monsters" to unsettle the human and its presumed center stage in modern life by highlighting the web of histories and bodies from which life emerges, and by attuning us to worlds otherwise. Thus, by paying attention to how subjects become with others, they partake in an analysis that resembles Miller’s discussion of objectification and that ultimately displaces the human subject from the center stage.  In its place, the authors place “open-ended assemblages,” gatherings that coalesce in coordination across many kinds of temporal rhythms and spatial arcs, always in flux, always remaking us as well as our others.

Mitman, G., Armiero, M., & Emmett, R. (2018). Future Remains: A Cabinet of Curiosities for the Anthropocene. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Organized as a collection of objects found in a "Cabinet of Curiosities form the Anthropocene," this book is a good contribution to the study of things because it invites readers to see objects not just through the lens of human agency but through the lives of nonhuman beings who also shape and are shaped by those relationships and processes embodied in material forms. The essays rely on a multitude of artifacts, from a recycled kimchi jar to a documentary to the pesticide pump, to highlight how human hubris informs those material forms (as well as how other forces at play also get inscribed). Other emotional responses to the Anthropocene, such as acceptance, guilt and ingenuity are evoked in the chapters that discuss how artifacts, from cars to marine animal satellite tags, impact the bodies of nonhuman others both intentionally and not. Although eclectic by design, this juxtaposition feels somewhat disjointed at times, and some of the works seem too broad or focus more on the Anthropocene as a complex trope. However, as a collection of curiosities dotted with emotional investment, the items unsettle culture/nature binaries and provoke wonder-full thinking.

Mol, A. (2002). The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. 

In this book, Mol sets out to demonstrate that it is possible to engage in an ethnography of disease. Describing this effort as a study in empirical philosophy, her epistemology is based on focusing on the daily practices of patients and doctors, which are the "who" that enacts the "what." This constant foregrounding of practicalities and events (the reason why she calls the work a praxiography instead of ethnography) renders an account of a disease as a story about practices that develops over multiple sites and that entails vascular doctors and patients, but equally so a patient’s dog, microscopes, tints, knives, tables, etc. This multiplicity is not synonymous with plurality, however; in the ontology of medical practice that Mol proposes, there is one disease with many accounts that eventually coordinate (in various ways) as there is only one body that is multiple but that hangs together. The author’s insistence on objects as part of events aligns her work with newer approaches to the study of material culture, particularly those informed by Ingold. Overall, this is a remarkable book that seeks to transcend the subject/object divide but that does so by looking at the medical field.

Olsen, B. (2006). Scenes from a troubled engagement. In Tilley, C., S. Kuchler, M. Rowlands, & P. Spyer (Eds.) (2006), Handbook of material culture (pp. 85-103). London: SAGE.

In this book chapter, Olsen effectively traces the influence of post-structuralism in material culture studies and offers a nuanced account of this influx. He specifically focuses on the post-structuralist contributions of textualism and intertext as they apply to the study of objects, which ultimately permitted the understanding of material culture as a text that can be re-read by different people in new contexts. While this represents a significant source of theoretical inspiration, Olsen notes that it ultimately conflates text and materiality as ontological entities, failing to fully appreciate that material culture is in the world in a fundamentally different way from text and language. Olsen also discusses the contribution of post-structuralism to academic writing, which allowed a questioning of how literary forms intervened in the construction of the object. However, he Olsen quickly points out that in celebrating new ways of writing as they try to let complexity and hybridity shine through, there is a risk of creating a representational form that tries to be isomorphic with the represented, which is odd given the legacy that questions such mimicry.

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Soledad Altrudi is a PhD candidate at USC’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, where she works at the intersection of STS and media studies, and explores the various effects that technology has on our environment as well as on human/non‐human‐other entanglements. Her dissertation focuses on Parque Nacional Patagonia as a case of rewilding in the Anthropocene, one that entails not only a conservation strategy but also works as a device for ordering human-nonhuman interactions in a highly mediatized environment.

Take Part in a Collective Storytelling Challenge and Inspire Others!

Take part in a collective storytelling challenge and inspire others!

Sangita Shresthova

(from Popular Culture and Civic Imagination cover art by Dan Goldman)

In the midst of the profound turmoil that has affected us all over the past weeks, our Civic Paths group brainstormed ways in which the civic imagination could be helpful to us and others. To come up with ideas, we first turned inward to understand our own unpredictable responses to fast shifting realities. We acknowledged the shock, grief, anger, uncertainty, fear, dread, and confusion. We then turned to what we had learned through our work on the Popular Culture and Civic Imagination casebook (featured here over the past weeks) to understand how we might begin to respond. This led to an exploration of how imagining and using imagination to connect with others could, in some small way, comfort us and help us see things differently, even for a moment.  

Growing out of this, we are excited to launch “Reflections from the Future”, a participatory storytelling challenge that invites people to take a minute to imagine a future far beyond our current moment and share this imagination to inspire others to share their visions too.  The collection will also become an enduring archive that preserves our imaginations at this current time. 

We invite participants (that is all of you!) to submit their responses to the prompt below, via a simple form. The responses will then populate the Atlas of the Civic Imagination, a creative archive of our visions and aspirations. Accessible to all, this archive will then inform others to create, analyze and act. We chose the Atlas for this because we are committed to including perspectives from many places and walks of life. In fact, we are currently building out ways to submit in other languages (reach out of if this is of interest).  

So, please join us! Respond to the prompt, participate, and help us populate the collection. 

You can respond directly (just fill out the form). You can also share the prompt with others (students, community members, friends, and colleagues). 

We know accessing imagination and hope is hard right now. We also believe it matters and leave you with a quote from Vaclav Havel that we return to often:

“Hope... is not the same as joy that things are going well, or willingness to invest in enterprises that are obviously headed for early success….. The more unpromising the situation in which we demonstrate hope, the deeper that hope is. Hope is not the same thing as optimism. It is not the conviction that something will turn out well, but the certainty that something makes sense, regardless of how it turns out.” (Vaclav Havel, Disturbing the Peace, pp. 181-182)

Take part in a collective storytelling challenge and inspire others!

Link to challenge prompt is here!

2060: Reflections from the Future

Often, as people imagine future changes that lead to a better world, they start by imagining a crisis -- something that forces existing precarious circumstances to their breaking point, causing people to come together and try something different. Right now, our world is confronting a painful health crisis of unprecedented proportions and it is predicted it will be followed by an economic crisis of the same scope and scale. Recognizing this, let’s use this moment to initiate a process of reflection and intervention and bring our imaginative selves to the realities we face today. 

Draw on what inspires you, respond to our prompt, and contribute to a collective brainstorm that taps our imagination at a time when imagining takes courage. All responses will become part of 2060: Reflections from the Future, a public and shared collection that connects our current hopes, concerns, and aspirations.  Artists, thinkers, and community leaders working in various fields and formats with then also bring our collective visions to life.

BRAINSTORM PROMPT:

Think about the current moment, your situation and what you see around you - your fears and concerns. Take a deep breath. Inhale. Exhale. Now, think about something that inspires you. This could be a story from anywhere (popular culture, folklore, faith, childhood, etc.).  It could be non-fiction, fiction or even fantasy. It could be something you have noticed happening around you recently. It could be a person in your life. Hold on to your inspiration as you start to turn to the future. Imagine it is now the year 2060, that is 40 years from now and the world is as you would like it to be. What’s possible? What could this future world look like? What are you curious about? What could it feel like? Imagine how people may live, engage, move around, learn, communicate, take care of themselves etc.. Imagine how things work and are organized.

Now, answer these questions create your response and add to the brainstorm:

• Think your hopes for 2060. Set the scene by describing your future world briefly.

• What are three keywords that you would want to have define this future world?

• What is a key thing that has changed between 2020 and 2060? And, why?  

• What will people want to remember when they think back on 2020?

• What story, thing, event, or person inspires you? Describe it and tell us why it resonates.

COMPOSE YOUR RESPONSE

Here are some ideas about what you could do to respond (mixing and matching is welcome):

• You can answer our questions directly,You can author a short creative response based on our prompts, and/orYou can create a scenario inspired by these prompts.

We welcome participation at all levels - short, long, simple or complex.

Share your response in any format you like - write, draw, record audio, make a short video (anything else works too, but note that the google form submission option only supports text and links). 

SUBMIT YOUR RESPONSE

MOST POPULAR OPTION - FILL OUT A FORM

This is the quickest and easiest option. Collect your content (prepare it ahead of time so you can paste it in) and share it with us via this google form. The upside of this option is that it is quick. The downside is that you cannot format your story. You will also be limited to adding text and links to images, video and other media. We will add your response to the collection for you.  

CREATIVE FAN AND GROUP COORDINATOR/EDUCATOR OPTION - UPLOAD TO ATLAS

This is a slightly more involved, but more direct option. Collect your content (prepare it ahead of time and paste it in). Submit your story directly to the Atlas of the Civic Imagination. To do this you will need to create an Atlas account. Once your account is approved, you can generate a group/code that will allow you to contribute stories (as a storyteller). You can also use the code to invite others to contribute stories directly (as storytellers). Though it involves 2 steps, this set up only takes a few minutes and is great for those who are coordinating groups of storytellers. It is also great for those who want to get more creative with their multimedia stories! You will also have the ability to edit your contribution and add media (audio, video, images) directly.  

About Us: Over the last 6 years, Henry Jenkins’s Civic Imagination Project team, based at the University of Southern California, has worked with communities all over the world to develop tools for unlocking the imagination and harnessing unbridled creativity for real world action because we believe that we need hope and imagination to mobilize and sustain our collective efforts. Our group believes that to make the world a better place everyone needs to be able to imagine what a better world looks like, even now, especially now. 

Track the project through the Atlas of the Civic Imagination.

Next Step, Join In! Launching the Atlas of the Civic Imagination

Next Step, Join In! Launching the Atlas of the Civic Imagination

Sangita Shresthova

Thinking back, the vision for the “Atlas of the Civic Imagination” took root over dinner at a Nepali restaurant in Austria in 2016, when our Civic Imagination Project team ran a civic imagination module at the Salzburg Academy for Media and Global Change, an annual academic program that brings together 70 students from many countries for three weeks. Our module at Salzburg that year consisted of a “Sparking the Civic Imagination” keynote lecture, delivered by Henry Jenkins, and a series of three workshops, developed by our team,and carried out by Gabriel Peters-Lazaro (Gabe), Henry Jenkins and myself (see Gabe’s write up of the module).

As we reflected on our experiences halfway through the Academy over (pretty delicious) plates of momos and curry, Gabe, Henry and I kept circling back to the Atlas, a fledgling idea that we had just piloted. More specifically, we had come to Salzburg with a very early prototype of a tool that would allow us to map, visualize and otherwise connect the stories and accounts of imagination being used in civic spaces. Cobbled together using scalar (an authoring digital platform), google maps and extremely helpful interns to help with data entry, we had asked the students to geo-tag and upload the stories they created during our “Remixing Stories” workshops so that we could visualize them on a “Big Map”.

Despite the many technical glitches we encountered and the unsustainable levels of manual data processing we needed to make it work, the “Big Map” of stories the students collectively created that day convinced us that our Atlas idea had legs. It also dawned on us that an Atlas might, in fact, do more than map and organize participatory imaginations. It could also help connect and start dialogues with people engaged with the imagination in civic and political spaces.

That night, I left the restaurant filled with a hope that we would one day be able to able to make the Atlas a functioning and useful reality. Fast forward four years, I am so excited to share that we have finally made it happen.

What is the Atlas of the Civic Imagination?

An initiative of the Civic Imagination Project, the Atlas of the Civic Imagination is an user-driven site that invites communities and individuals to share their experiences with the imagination in civic spaces. We see the Atlas as a space that helps us:

●     share experiences and stories,

●     learn from what others are doing,

●     connect with other practitioners, and, eventually

●     gain applicable insights through dialogue and analysis.

The experiences contributors share could be connected to running our civic imagination workshops. They could also grow out of other work.  As a project, we are also using the Atlas as a space where we add our evolving observations from the workshops we continue to run with communities. Our hope is that the Atlas will become a space where we collectively amplify, generate ideas, collect experiences, map locations, and analyze stories generated through artistic, civil, community, learning, and other efforts.

In its current form, the Atlas grows out of our long-standing partnership with the folks at the National Writing Project, who generously worked with us to repurpose their “Writing Our Future” initiative which supports “online youth publishing projects.” Because of this connection, the architecture of the Atlas comes with built in features that allow us to work with a broad range of communities, including activists, organizations, and youth in educational contexts. It also gives us, and those who choose to contribute, significant curatorial control, which we hope will help us build trust and encourage participation in the long term.

How do people participate?

Signing up to contribute to the Atlas is pretty simple, and anyone can sign up. There are two account types. Facilitators administer geo-located sites and approve submitted stories and articles. Storytellers author content. A facilitator can oversee many groups of storytellers. They can also create a storyteller account to submit their own content through their own site.

This blog post is our first public announcement about the Atlas (gulp), and we are still learning about how people will want to use the Atlas and what we will need to do to support it. So far, we have noted that folks seem to want to use the Atlas in two ways:

1. Facilitators, who run one of our six Civic Imagination Workshops, want to share the outcomes of their workshops on the Atlas. They can do this by having their participants upload stories directly. They can also author a summary of their workshop on their behalf, as educator Jimmeka Jackson did in “Discovering A DIFFERENT WORLD with Content Worlds.”

1. People involved with communities, companies, organizations and networks working with the imagination in civic and political realms use the Atlas to add their own approaches and experiences to the Atlas, and through this join the larger conversation.  Case in point of this is Janae Phillips’s account of a workshop on privilege and Harry Potter that she ran in Tucson, Arizona.

Through such and other, yet to be discovered contributions, we see the  Atlas of the Civic Imagination as a space that encourages informal connections that may event, one day, inspire action.

Infinite Hope Workshop

To make things as easy as possible for facilitators, the site also includes instructions for our “Infinite Hope - Imagining a Better World” workshop, a future-focused workshop highlighting the power of stories as tools for fostering civic imagination and inspiring real world change. As this title suggests, the focus is on world-building, that is, thinking about what alternative worlds might look like, reading them in relation to our own, and deploying them as a means of expressing and debating visions for what alternatives might be to current conditions. We invite you to run a workshop and share your experiences through the Atlas.

We find that this frees participants from the constraints on the imagination which are posed by a relentless focus on existing constraints which limit the possibilities for change, which results in activists self-censoring themselves.

Highlighting the importance of civic imagination, the workshop leads participants through an exercise of building a future world in which both real and fantastical solutions to cultural, social and political challenges are possible, ultimately leading them to strategize how we may be able to get to this imagined future starting today. The workshop begins with a big picture brainstorm. Working backwards, the participants then break into smaller groups to share insights and build on these imagined worlds to brainstorm character-based narratives of social change set in the shared future world. After working out their stories, the groups are then given a short amount of time to prepare a presentation of their narrative. Encouraging spontaneity and creativity, the final share backs given participants an immediate platform for sharing their stories, creating a sense of community between participants and leading to group dialog and reflection. 

In effect, the workshop helps participants brainstorm the full range of possible directions they could go. Many of the political veterans in the organizations we work with have been initially skeptical of what they saw as the ‘escapist’ dimensions of our approach, but they have often rethought this opposition when they see how this approach re-energized participants. 

More  Opportunities 

We are also developing additional prompts and activities that respond to our current physically separated realities and will be sharing those in this space shortly.

So, please do join in, contribute, and help us launch the Atlas of the Civic Imagination!   

(And, do let us know if you run into any problems, we are still learning about Atlas’s possibilities and limitations.)

Sangita Shresthova is the Research Director of the Civic Paths Group based at the University of Southern California.  Her work focuses on intersections among popular culture, imagination, performance, new media, politics, and globalization. Her recent research has focused on issues of storytelling and surveillance among American Muslim youth and the achievements and challenges faced by Invisible Children pre-and-post Kony2012. She is also one of the authors of Popular Culture and Civic Imagination: Case Studies of Creative Social Change and By Any Media Necessary: The New Activism of Youth, both released by NYU Press. Her first book on the transnational dimensions of  Bollywood dance (Is It All About Hips?) was published in 2011.

Choreographed Resistance: Feminist Solidarity Against Gender-Based Violence Through "Un violador en tu camino" and the Civic Imagination (2 of 2)

Andrea Alarcon, Paulina Lanz, and Rogelio Alejandro Lopez 

The imagined community of latinx sisterhood

This sense of commonality calls to mind Benedict Anderson’s “imagined communities,” an idea that describes how the mass proliferation of media artifacts can delineate and then replicate our "imaginary" of the nation state — our sense of what a state is and what it means to belong to it. Through maps, mainstream media, and museums, people create a collective identity of being “Chilean.” Latin America, due to shared history, language and religion, has historically cultivated its own imagined community. At a regional level, scaling from the national, it replicates an imaginary community through other types of artifacts: mainstream popular culture such music, cinema, literature, television but also, often in counter-cultural artifacts involving class struggles and social movements, in this case through a choreographed musical performance.

If the current boundaries and maps of the world were a product of a patriarchical claiming of land, then pushing back across borders becomes a feminist fight. Scholar Jacqui M. Alexander (2005) brings together politics and sexuality through a transnational feminist approach.  It juxtaposes neocolonialism to neoimperalism, contesting different cartographies of feminist struggle, moving from a local order to a global option (Alexander, 2005). Though women in Latin America have different social formations, solidarity works as a cultural relativist practice, as an ideology. Transnational female solidarity goes beyond the focus on the body, and moves instead towards using the body in acts of protest, especially as a collective medium. Hence, this performance takes the form of a solidary body practice that expresses the dynamics of the social, cultual, and political relations of a transnational — and postmodern — imaginary of America.

“Is the violence you DON’T see.”

The imaginary no longer responds to America — that which Christopher Colombus "found" — but to the collective threat of heteropatriarchy, where bodies are reconfigured from the domestic sphere to the public sphere, collapsing geographical boundaries into a hypervisible and re-imagined American sisterhood.

“Is the violence you CAN see.”

A crowdsourced map tracks the spread of "Un violador en tu camino" across the world. Here, we see the visual representation of its impact across Latin America.

Re-imagining discourse

"Un violador en tu camino" is a great example of how the civic imagination can work not only outside of the US, but across nations to address issues that impact communities at a global scale. Specifically, “Un violador en tu camino” brings people together through cultural practice — a choreagraphed performance — to challenge a toxic discourse that too often places blame on the victims of sexual assault, instead focusing on the role of perpertrators, the state that does not prosecute, the police that does not arrest. The patriarchal culture that created and maintains control dismisses the wellbeing of women while excusing the harmful behavior of men. The World Health Organization considers violence against women to be a clear violation of human rights and a public health concern due to its global pervasiveness: nearly one in three women across the world will experience some form of physical and/or sexual violence within their lifetimes, most often perpertrated by an itinmate partner. Thirty-eight percent of all murders of women are committed by an intimate partner, and is considered an issue of "epidemic proportions,"

Beyond the civic imagination as a first step towards imagining alternatives to the current social and political order (often specifically to address issues that appear to have no solution), the work at Civic Paths has identified specific functions of such an imaginative approach that are worth considering when looking at this case. They include: imagining a better world, imagining the process of change, imagining ourselves as civic agents, forging solidarity with others with different experiences from our own, imagining our social connections with a larger community, and bringing an imaginative dimension to our real world spaces and places (Jenkins, Shresthova, Peters-Lazaro, 2020).

First, “Un violador en tu camino” arguably encourages women to imagine themselves as civic agents through a shared cultural practice — a choreographed performance denouncing violence against women — bypassing the sense of powerlessness on the issue (a.k.a. what Duncombe calls "tyranny of the possible"). “Un violador en tu camino” may be considered "thin and symbolic" in terms of Zuckerman's "Levers of Change" model, meaning the performance has relatively low participation costs (time, energy) and its outcomes are cultural rather than institutional or legislative (Zuckerman, 2014). Its outcomes are what Earl (2004) may call "discursive" or cultural, since part of the aim (beyond building solidarity) is to change the public discourse — literally how the issue is discussed in everyday life, media, and politics. One desired outcome would be changing the prevalence of victim blaming, for example.  Furthermore, the "thin and symbolic" designation may allow political newcomers to easily partake and see the bridge between culture and social change — arguably generating a sense of civic efficacy, the idea that one's actions can have observable outcomes in the world. In this case, the visible outcomes of partaking in “Un violador en tu camino” are seeing like-minded women come together and collectively demand visibility through the use of physical bodies occupying space, to hone-in on gender-based violence.

Second, the international spread of “Un violador en tu camino” allowed for the forging of solidarity amongst diverse groups and it facilitated an international sense of community otherwise not possible at local levels. Initially in Chile, the performance fused ongoing protests surrounding increasing transportation costs with grievances pertaining to gender-based violence. This brought together women of all walks of life, as gender-based violence cuts across socioeconomic status.  Soon after, “Un violador en tu camino” spread to other Spanish-speaking nations in Latin America, countries bound together by the before-mentioned imaginary but otherwise culturally and politically distinct — a powerful gesture of solidarity among women across the region. Eventually “Un violador en tu camino” was translated into various languages, reaching the United States and Europe, and well beyond. In addition to serving as a powerful international show of solidarity with the country of origin, Chile, it also facilitated a kind of international feminist community (however ephemeral).

The song scaled: while we had to look up the Carabineros when we heard the song, singing it from Los Angeles still made sense in our context, as we sang it to a United States president who is the embodiment of what the song decries. The continent is mostly democratic, so the institutions highlighted resonate: the police, the courts, the state. More importantly, through the ease of participation, women who may not have considered progressive gender social movements were suddenly exposed to in their social media feeds.  While not without its own critiques, global sisterhood has explained how women can come together through feminism — and in the case of violence against women, a problem so vast and pervasive, such a lens may be needed. Is "Un violador en tu camino" an instance of global sisterhood? Perhaps. At the very least, the spread of this cultural performance allows us to apply the idea of civic imagination beyond the US, shedding light into the non-traditional pathways towards social change across the globe.

Andrea Alarcon's interests lie in the intersection of Science and Technology Studies and Cultural Studies. She is particularly interested in studying the appropriation of social media platforms in developing countries as gateways to the web, and transnational, online labor cultures. She received her MSc degree from the Oxford Internet Institute, and her BSc in online journalism from the University of Florida. She also worked as a Research Assistant with Microsoft Research's Social Media Collective. Before academia, she worked as a web producer and editor for the World Bank, and in social media for Discovery Channel in Latin America.

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Andrea Alarcon's interests lie in the intersection of Science and Technology Studies and Cultural Studies. She is particularly interested in studying the appropriation of social media platforms in developing countries as gateways to the web, and transnational, online labor cultures. She received her MSc degree from the Oxford Internet Institute, and her BSc in online journalism from the University of Florida. She also worked as a Research Assistant with Microsoft Research's Social Media Collective. Before academia, she worked as a web producer and editor for the World Bank, and in social media for Discovery Channel in Latin America.

Rogelio Alejandro Lopez is PhD candidate at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California, where his work centers on social movements, civic media, and youth culture. His dissertation is a comparative look into the role of media strategies and cultural production in developing a “civic imagination” among contemporary youth social movements.

Paulina Lanz is a PhD Student in Communication at USC. She identifies in buildings and in urban places a source of memoirs and nostalgia. Cities have led her to research in a convergence among culture and media studies at the hand of film. The theoretical immersion to space and cultural studies through an aesthetic perspective has been a stimulus for developing an interdisciplinary commitment from former disciplines to present endeavor. The object takes on a new meaning while researching buildings as media, an emerging mechanism to focus storytelling through spatial remembrance, as a blueprint-incepted testimony. Paulina is a member of the Civic Paths group and involved in research in the Skid Row and Homeless Connectivity Project, and the Mobile Devices Global Mapping Project. She is a founding member and organizer of Critical Mediations, a Communication and Cultural Studies Conference.

Choreographed Resistance: Feminist Solidarity Against Gender-Based Violence Through "Un violador en tu camino" and The Civic Imagination (1 of 2)

Choreographed Resistance: Feminist Solidarity Against Gender-Based Violence Through "Un violador en tu camino" and The Civic Imagination

Andrea Alarcon, Paulina Lanz, and Rogelio Alejandro Lopez

Last December, we participated in an organized performance of “Un violador en tu camino”. It was the LA iteration of this Chilean protest song, which formed part of the larger social protests on Chile at the end of 2019 (and into 2020)."Un violador en tu camino," (which translates to "a rapist in your path,") includes a dance routine paired with the lyrics of a song — which quickly became popular and spurred performances in Latin America and globally, to decry gender-based violence. It was created by the feminist art collective Las Tesis and most notably performed on the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (November 25, 2019) in Valparaíso, Chile.  

As we arrived at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA), we quickly recognized fellow protesters. Women wore black attire with red, green and purple bandanas, some carried signs and flags, and most appeared to be Latinas. We had both seen videos of the performance held in our home countries (Mexico and Colombia), and we were happy to see that women in LA organized the event to bring us all together. It was a rainy Sunday morning, and the organizers worried that the weather would deter people from coming. The gathering brought women from (what appeared to be) distinct social classes and backgrounds together: academics (who organized the event), members of a cleaner's union, and Hollywood socialites. We even spoke to a few English-only speakers, who memorized the steps even though they could not sing along. Chilean flags could be seen proudly flown. We spent an hour rehearsing the song and its choreography, and also making sure everyone had a blindfold (a required accessory for the routine). As the sky cleared up, more and more women arrived, including young girls.  

“Y la culpa no era mía / ni dónde estaba / ni cómo vestía.” (And the fault was not mine / nor where I was / nor how I was dressed.)  

“El violador eres tú.” (And the rapist IS you)

[Extend LEFT arm straight out in front of you, pointing] 

The song addresses layers of violence against women: with the chorus switching the usual blame on victims, to blaming the rapists. It pays attention as much to intimate-partner violence as to the state's complicity in perpetuating gender-based crimes. After numerous mobilizations in Chile's city centers in late 2019, the performance spread throughout Latin America where the song was quickly adopted by women due to the shared Spanish language and a communal sense of Latinidad (which we will discuss later on), but more importantly because women across the region face similar harmful circumstances due to gender violence. Eventually it reached various countries across the globe: as of February 2020, it had been performed in 52 countries. 

A few things we noticed while participating included the feminist and gender solidarity, across nationality, age, occupation, and socioeconomic background in the LA performance. Also the strength that came from the song, the performance, and the women who practiced for an hour to get it right. A disconcerting yet thought-provoking occurrence as we performed was who was facing us: the men in these women’s lives, behind cameras and smartphones, observing and recording the performance. The positioning of the scene was also a bit unsettling. After all, we kept pointing to these men and saying “the rapist is you,” over and over again, as the chorus demands, meant to switch back blame to the observer.  A notable actress in the crowd encouraged women to “thank the men who were supporting us,” and we wondered if highlighting the supportive men meant they may think that the song was not intended for them. How many of the “good men” see violence against women as an external problem unrelated to them, patriarchy as an evil of other men, the rapists, the bad men?  

While we have participated in many women’s marches, this performance was different: the speech is commanding and straightforward, its purpose clear, and the militant resonance of a synchronous choreography equalizes women as victims of patriarchy, while also unifying us to fight it.  

A rapist in your path

 [Keep arms loose at your side, march in place to the beat for the first eight verses] 

Patri-archy is our judge

That imprisons us at birth

And our punishment

Is the violence you DON’T see. 

Patri-archy is our judge

That imprisons us at birth

And our punishment

Is the violence you CAN see. 

It's femicide.

[Place hands behind the head, squat up and down]

Impu-nity for my killer.

[Repeat movement above]

It’s our disappearances.

[Repeat movement above]

It’s rape!

[Repeat movement above] 

[March in place, but without lifting feet from the ground; move forearms up and down in sync with] 

And it was not my fault, nor where I was, nor how I dressed.

And it was not my fault, nor where I was, nor how I dressed.

And it was not my fault, nor where I was, nor how I dressed.

And it was not my fault, nor where I was, nor how I dressed. 

And the rapist WAS you

[Extend LEFT arm straight out in front of you, pointing] 

And the rapist IS you

[Extend LEFT arm straight out in front of you, pointing] 

It's the cops,

[Use LEFT arm to point behind you]

It’s the judges,

[Use LEFT arm to point in front of you]

It’s the system,

[Raise arms, pointing in circle around the head]

It’s the president.

[Cross forearms above the head forming an X] 

[Use LEFT arm and pump a closed fist]

The oppressive state is a macho rapist.

The oppressive state is a macho rapist. 

And the rapist WAS you

[Extend LEFT arm straight out in front of you, pointing]

And the rapist WAS you

[repeat movement above]

And the rapist WAS you

[repeat movement above]

And the rapist WAS you

[repeat movement above]

A lyrical breakdown (of patriarchy) 

The lyrics of "Un violador en tu camino" (re-translated into English above) provide a kind of popular examination of how and why gender-based violence is so prevalent not only in Chile and Latin America, but across the globe. The opening alludes to forms of "invisible" violence, such as domestic violence that has high rates of incidence in Chile yet is often underreported in the media, but also more visible forms, such as femicide (mentioned directly in the song).  With a middling Gender Inequality Index (GII) score from the United Nations, Chile, despite its relatively high social and economic status in the region, lags behind other democratic nations in elevating women to positions of power (with the notable exception of former President, Michelle Bachelet).  

According to the Chilean Network of Violence Against Women, the Chilean government, from police to politicians, is deeply implicated in perpetuating "patriarchal violence" by regularly refusing to prosecute gender-based crimes, and a recent human rights report by the UN found that police and military used sexual violence against protestors and political dissidents in late 2019. Further solidifying the dual critique of patriarchal violence and the oppressive state more broadly, “Un violador en tu camino” directly addresses the victim blaming often associated with gender-based violence — a discourse replicated by Chile's own President, Sebastian Piñera, when he suggested women were to blame for placing themselves in positions to be sexually assaulted. To this, the anthem responds, "it was not my fault, nor where I was, nor how I dressed." Further down, we see the conflation of patriarchal violence with the systems that uphold it, "this oppressive state is a macho rapist," proclaiming how "the rapist WAS you", followed by an assertion that “the rapist IS you” — as much a condemnation of individual perpetrators as of the state.

A road sign by the Carabineros de Chile, with their now defunct slogan "un amigo siempre" ("always your friend") [Photo credit: Benjamin Dumas, 2011].

The title of "Un violador en tu camino" is an allusion to a 1980s publicity campaign by the Chilean police force "Carabineros de Chile" (translated as "Riflemen of Chile"), with the slogan “a friend in your path.” The song links the Carabineros, who claim to be a “friend” that protects women, to the patriarchy embedded in the systems of governance which are constantly violent to women. In spite of its transnational appeal, some of the song's references are local to Chile. For example, the phrase "duerme tranquila" ("sleep calmly") is a direct reference to the Carabineros de Chile's anthem that was widely criticized in the Chilean protests last fall. The anthem is titled "Orden y patria" (“Order and the motherland"), and was sung in schools during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship (1973-1990). That particular stanza (below), as well as the crouching choreography, was a way to call out the forces that had reportedly asked women to strip and crouch in police custody during the protests.

Duerme tranquila, niña inocente, (Sleep calmly, innocent girl,)

sin preocuparte del bandolero, (without fear of bandits,)

que por tu sueño dulce y sonriente, (for over your sweet dreams,)

vela tu amante carabinero. (your police lover watches.)

___________________________

Andrea Alarcon's interests lie in the intersection of Science and Technology Studies and Cultural Studies. She is particularly interested in studying the appropriation of social media platforms in developing countries as gateways to the web, and transnational, online labor cultures. She received her MSc degree from the Oxford Internet Institute, and her BSc in online journalism from the University of Florida. She also worked as a Research Assistant with Microsoft Research's Social Media Collective. Before academia, she worked as a web producer and editor for the World Bank, and in social media for Discovery Channel in Latin America.

Rogelio Alejandro Lopez is PhD candidate at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California, where his work centers on social movements, civic media, and youth culture. His dissertation is a comparative look into the role of media strategies and cultural production in developing a “civic imagination” among contemporary youth social movements.

Paulina Lanz is a PhD Student in Communication at USC. She identifies in buildings and in urban places a source of memoirs and nostalgia. Cities have led her to research in a convergence among culture and media studies at the hand of film. The theoretical immersion to space and cultural studies through an aesthetic perspective has been a stimulus for developing an interdisciplinary commitment from former disciplines to present endeavor. The object takes on a new meaning while researching buildings as media, an emerging mechanism to focus storytelling through spatial remembrance, as a blueprint-incepted testimony. Paulina is a member of the Civic Paths group and involved in research in the Skid Row and Homeless Connectivity Project, and the Mobile Devices Global Mapping Project. She is a founding member and organizer of Critical Mediations, a Communication and Cultural Studies Conference.

Imagining Humanity: The Potential and Limits of Humans of New York (2 of 2)

Becky Pham, Parmita Sengupta & Eduardo Gonzalez

Tensions between envisioning and creating connective action

Eduardo

So what I am hearing is that Stanton’s dominance over the original “Humans of” brand is clearly visible and also significantly challenged by the other spinoff communities. In my own research, I am interested in understanding the social and political efficacies of migrant communities in transnational contexts--in other words, the real and imagined ways immigrants exercise agency over their lives and in their communities in contexts where they may have to navigate legal restrictions caused by their noncitizen statuses.

I’d like to discuss a little more about the space between envisioning action and creating connection: Among the great causes Stanton has supported through his HONY platform, he also interviewed Barack Obama near the end of his presidency. What role do high-profile officials play in transforming (or even dominating) the civic imagination? Do these kinds of features take away from the essence of HONY?

Paromita

High-profile officials definitely gave Stanton the mass popularity that he now enjoys, which I do appreciate as a long-term fan of HONY (I use the term “fan” loosely here, because I am quite critical of his policies and apolitical stance). I don’t know if I would say they take away from the “essence of HONY”, because Stanton has been consistent about maintaining HONY as an apolitical, “good vibes only” space from the very beginning. But they do make his stance as a moderator in the HONY comment sections more problematic, because they give him a higher symbolic authority to shut down conversations that displease him, and bring greater amounts of attention to some of the more problematic stories he decides to feature.

For instance, last September, Stanton published a somewhat-alarming story about a man from the Netherlands who expressed some very incel views on relationships, such as keeping women in a constant state of insecurity by demeaning their appearance. Since Stanton does not comment on the stories -- he just features them -- and he has been very vocal in the past about the need for compassion, and not judging the people whose stories you see on HONY because you do not know their full stories, the combined effect is one of a sympathetic portrayal of a public expression of misogyny from a wildly-influential media voice.

Under-represented communities and popular culture

Becky

Right. So from a case in the Netherlands, let’s look at international microcommunities based on the original HONY. I truly appreciate that you have decided to feature the “Humans of" microcommunities in a non-Western and underrepresented context like Iran, and then convincingly delved into how these communities challenged the mainstream rhetorics of Orientalism and demonization imposed on Iran as “repressive, antiquated and in need of humanizing" (p. 267). This, of course, has seemed to successfully promulgate a more localized and nuanced representation of Iran, but do you think this effect would be stronger if a more uniquely Iranian cultural phenomenon had been featured?

Paromita

This is a particularly interesting topic for me, and something I explore in detail in a journal article that is being published in March in Transformative Works and Cultures. To give you a brief summary, I discovered in the course of researching HONY that Iranian journalists have long been critical of American media representations of Iran which either demonize the culture, or describe it in language that stresses the ‘normalcy’ of Iran by stressing its similarity with American (or universally human) values. As an Iranian-American journalist named Alex Shams put it, “It seems that just about every other week another Western journalist “discovers” Iran and its 'manically welcoming' people, explaining to the world for the fifty-millionth time that contrary to the audience's assumptions, Iran is a pretty nice place to visit”. This is why spinoff pages like “Humans of Tehran” play such important roles as counter-narratives, because they decolonize the very notion of ‘humanity’ by pushing for more nuanced and varied representations of non-American cultures.

For instance, when Shirin Barghi (the creator of “Humans of Tehran”) adopted the “Humans of” model of storytelling by approaching people on the streets of Tehran and asking them to share their stories, her experiences were very different from the way Stanton had described his on HONY. During the government crackdown against the Green Movement of 2009, surveillance equipment had been used to covertly photograph protestors at demonstrations and use them as intimidation tactics, so the people Barghi approached were wary and distrustful of photographers who were inquiring about their private stories. When Barghi was describing why Stanton’s methods were not replicable in the Iranian context, she said, "I love the captions that 'Humans of New York' provides for its photos, but it's not the same in Tehran, people don't want to tell their stories. People are very, very private, as soon as people go outside, they become private people and they set up these barriers."

Barghi uses a more collaborative form of storytelling, such as working with Iranian photographers Omid Iranmehr and Nooshafarin on curating the photographs and translating the captions from Persian to English, and crowdsourcing photographs for consideration from the Iranian community. These methods encourage Iranians to surpass the colonial lens of HONY, and tell their own stories. "Humans of Tehran" also rejects the model of contrived positivity, and addresses a wide variety of complex and sometimes uncomfortable political issues, such as government censorship, the growing suicide rate amongst young women, and the struggles of maintaining transcontinental familial connections in the face of the US travel ban. One example I used in my article is a photograph of a news-stand captioned: "News-stands in Tehran are absolutely awesome—you can find anything in them, lock, stock and barrel." The caption is a tongue-in-cheek reference to the fact that newsstands in Iran often run a flourishing trade in alcohol and marijuana, even in the face of draconian government control and criminal charges.

Transnationality, tensions between global/local forces

Becky

So on this note of the transnational aspect of the HONY universe, I would like to branch out from here to discuss any tensions between the global versus local forces when a transnational cultural phenomenon becomes spreadable media. From my own studies of transnational K-pop fandom in Vietnam, there exists a tension between nationalistic ideologies advocating for the preservation of a unique national identity in the wake of foreign cultural invasion versus cosmopolitan, youth-based reception of foreign cultural flow in forging new youth identities and new forms of civic participation. I have been questioning whether this tension is structurally- or culturally-based, or both? In other words, given how K-pop has taken the world by storm and established wide networks of fans with increasingly accessible communication technologies, it should not be surprising that Vietnamese fans would enthusiastically and/or conveniently tap into these structures and embrace K-pop. So as of now, I would argue that any public reactions to K-pop fandom in Vietnam should take into consideration both structural and cultural configurations underlying this cultural phenomenon. I find your discussion on the problematic white savior complex associated with Stanton illuminating, but I couldn’t help but wonder if Stanton’s personal background and ideology has been conflated with Facebook as the arguably even more Anglocentric structure that HONY is based on in accentuating the notion of ethical neocolonialism that certain critics have identified? As you have pointed out in the chapter, even when Facebook was banned in Iran, followers in Iran still actively accessed Facebook for their “Humans of Tehran" community. Could Stanton's uncritical expression of global fellowship and superficial assessment that “Americans are especially loved in Iran" have been attributed to the soft power of Facebook somewhat?

Paromita

I think that might have been an expression of Stanton’s own apathy towards trying to understand racial tensions, and his obsession with portraying a mode of universal, colorblind “humanity” that precludes any kind of critical discourse on his page. From what I can see on the “Humans of Tehran” page, I don’t think the situation is as simple as Stanton would like to believe.

The position of Facebook within this debate is interesting, not just within the context of “soft power” in Iran, but also in terms of the algorithmic control that Stanton can exert over this community as the moderator of the HONY Facebook page. Following an incident where the conversation in the comment section took on a more critical bent, Stanton posted a public announcement on the HONY Facebook page stating, "Unfortunately, the 'right to free speech' does not apply here. This is not the place to further an ideology at the expense of an individual... Let's try to get back to saying nice things about strangers. In short, let's make HONY different than the rest of the internet”.

In 2015, Stanton delivered a lecture at the University of Dublin where he spoke about being in negotiations with Facebook about altering the Facebook mobile app such that comments would be organized in order of popularity instead of chronologically, pushing the upvoted comments to the top of the post, where they would have the most visibility . This would allow Stanton to maintain the culture of positivity by upvoting the comments that aligned with his own vision. Given how Facebook’s ostensibly color-blind content filtering system has been shown to be racially-biased, HONY is using the social media algorithm and his own vision of ‘humanity’ to create what I call an oppressive “culture of positivity”, which is further silencing dissenting opinions within the fandom.

Conclusion

Eduardo

In line with Stanton’s criticisms for white savior complex and to wrap up our short conversation today, how might we learn from that to envision and create transnational connective action working to support new groups in other countries without it being framed by the local/national a different flavor of U.S. cultural imperialism?

Paromita

I think the larger narrative that emerges from the comparison of “Humans of New York” and the spinoff groups is that the civic imagination of a group, or in this case a fandom, cannot be limited by one person’s individual vision of humanity. To me, one of the most important things that I would have liked to see from Stanton and HONY is for him to acknowledge his position of power and privilege, and not attempt to speak for minority voices. Instead, he should pass on the mic and let minority voices tell their own stories, using his platform and global outreach to make it easier for them to be heard.

Becky

Alright, thank you for taking the time to let us talk to you today, Paromita!

Eduardo

We look forward to reading your future scholarship on participatory online communitie

In the meantime, check out Paromita's next publication in Transformative Works and Cultures:

• Sengupta, Paromita. 2020. "Positivity, Critical Fan Discourse, and "'Humans of New York'". In "Fandom and Politics," edited by Ashley Hinck and Amber Davisson, special issue, Transformative Works and Cultures, no. 32.

Imagining Humanity: The Potential and Limits of Humans of New York (1 of 2)

Becky Pham, Parmita Sengupta & Eduardo Gonzalez

Becky Pham

Hi Paromita, congratulations on your book chapter, “Participatory Action in Humans of New York (HONY)” (p. 262-270) in the edited volume! Thank you for agreeing to let Eduardo and me be in conversation with you about this chapter in particular and your research directions in general. Could you first give us a brief introduction about yourself and what have you been up to recently?

Paromita Sengupta

Thank you, Becky. I am a fifth year doctoral student at the Annenberg School for Communication at USC, writing my dissertation on humorous hashtag movements and the use of civic humor to push back against mainstream discourses around police violence, neo-fascism, amd rape culture. The chapter in the Civic Imagination casebook is a 2-part project that arose from my MA thesis on affective activism in participatory online communities. The book chapter focuses on civic imagination and storytelling, while the second part of the project is an article that is being published in Transformative Works and Cultures in March 2020, and focuses more on the fan-created “Humans of” spinoff pages, and how they have resisted what I see as Stanton’s obsession with maintaining a contrived spirit of goodwill and positivity on HONY. I am excited to talk about this in more detail, so thank you for interviewing me!

Becky

Thank you, Paromita! I am Becky Pham, currently a first-year Ph.D. student at the Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism at USC. My research interests mainly focus on children, youth and media, and the one research thread most pertinent to our conversation today would be my ongoing fascination with how the mainstream media portrays transnational K-pop youth fandom in Vietnam, how the Vietnamese publics react to these media representations, and how the young fans respond to and resist both. How about you, Eduardo?

Eduardo Gonzalez

I am Eduardo Gonzalez, I am also a first-year PhD student at the USC Annenberg School of Communication and my research focuses on political representations of migrants, and ethnic and religious minorities in the U.S., Mexican, German and Turkish media. My work also looks at rhetoric used in popular and political media outlets to depict minorities, political violence, censorship, and death. Lately, I have become more interested in understanding how the civic imagination might play a role to envision a more connected and compassionate world.

Civic imagination

Becky

Awesome, thank you Eduardo! Paromita, back to you, could you share with us more details about your trajectory in choosing HONY as the case-in-point to elucidate the concept of “civic imagination"?

Paromita

HONY was an interesting example of the civic imagination, because it manifested in two different ways in the community. Brandon Stanton (the creator of HONY) originally started out as a visual storyteller, who would tell beautiful, emotional, and very truncated stories about the people he photographed on the streets of New York. His Facebook fan community was an integral part of the participatory storytelling process, because they used the comment section to add to the narratives, ask questions, collectively brainstorm potential endings to the narratives, and express the desire to intervene directly when possible. Stanton facilitated this process by creating fundraisers where fans could donate money to help out in various situations. It was a participatory imaginative process that envisioned better endings to Stanton’s truncated micro-stories, and established an interventionist framework through which the fans could try to achieve those endings.

However, Stanton has also made it very clear that he wants HONY to be an apolitical, positive space, which severely limits some of the more critical discourse around stories that Stanton had posted (or in one case, posted and then deleted). The second iteration of the civic imagination is expressed through the “Humans of” spinoff pages, such as “Humans of Tehran” and “Humans of Hindutva”, which deal more directly with local political issues, and have collectively reimagined what participation through the ‘Humans of’ storytelling model could look like if it was a more participatory process between the photographer and the community.

Eduardo

You brought up a great point, Paromita. Stanton’s vision of a simultaneously peaceful, apolitical space but with interventional tendencies indeed seems like it would be inherently at odds with each other, which naturally explains HONY’s severe limits on more critical discourses, and the emergence of the “Humans of” spinoff pages that ensued for more participatory communities. 

Becky

Yes, indeed. Just to add onto this thread of participatory processes, I want to delve into how the history of a community could influence its trajectory of civic participation. The concept of “civic imagination" emphasizes the power of one's imagination before one could change the world. With regard to HONY, the case-in-point here has possessed in itself a rather established history and well-defined norms of engaging in real-life problem-solving and building social consciousness through imagining better. I am curious, then, during your research process, did you happen to come across any communities that were still in their early stages of imagining without concrete evidence of collective action yet? What could be some of the factors that influence how civic imagination could be successfully or unsuccessfully translated into real social changes?

Paromita

The answer to that depends on how you operationalize terms like “real social changes” and “concrete evidence of collective action”. My research focuses on humor and social change, so I am personally wary of using “social change” to refer exclusively to measurable changes in public policy, law, or infrastructure. And if that is how social change is to be calibrated and understood, my answer to your question would be no, I have not seen any of the ‘Humans of’ pages engage with any kind of collective, organized, civic action on that scale. Most of these are smaller pages, and do not have Stanton’s funds, reach, or media attention.

However, as Stanton began to gather global popularity as a philanthropist traveling through war-ridden countries in the Middle East and doing global outreach programs with the UN, he definitely started to become more fixated with the idea of keeping HONY friendly and positive, even at the expense of critical conversations around race, intersectionality, and the US military-industrial complex. In his conversations with the “Humans of” Syria and Iran, he is essentially curating the conversation through his choice of what quotes to feature and what to leave out. This is nothing new, of course. The truncated micro-conversations were always curated by him, even when they were about New York. But now, with his global outreach, he is shaping how millions of Americans (not to mention millions of fans globally) are imagining precarious populations like Syrian refugees. And that is problematic, because for Stanton, the “humanity” of a population is premised on how universal and “American” their stories are. The stories are meant to inspire sentimentality, but not necessarily empathy, because they do not depict social realities through a critical perspective.

More problematically, he wants the subjects to be de-racialized in order for them to be human. In an article in the (now discontinued) Bettery Magazine, Stanton described his experiences as an American photographer in Tehran as follows: “I was underwhelmed by the danger. I was underwhelmed by the religious fanaticism…The only thing present in a larger-than-expected dose was normalcy. The entire country was plagued by normalcy. Everywhere I looked—on street corners, inside of shops, and even inside of homes— there were normal people doing normal things.” The use of the phrase ‘normal’ here is troubling to me, because it implies that we should consider an entire population to be human only so long as they are ethnically-neutral, and subscribe to the mould of “normal people doing normal things.”

This is where the spinoff pages become really interesting to me, because they are much more willing to put aside the spirit of goodwill and positivity, and engage with local political issues. “Humans of Hindutva” is a satirical page that critiques the neo-fascist Hindutva movement in India by creating fictional interviews with Indian political figures (or in one memorable case, a cow, see attached screenshot) to expose the absurd logical fallacies within their ideals of nationalism and racial superiority. “Humans of Tehran” works with Iranian photojournalists to tell stories of Iranians from their own perspective, highlighting the complex, layered nature of their lives. For instance, it highlights the voices of women in technology in Iran and the complexities of maintaining trans-continental relationships with family in the face of the US travel ban. To me, these count as “real social changes,” because they use the civic imagination to resist public perceptions of Otherized communities and populations, and allow citizens of countries that are typically demonized in the media to tell their own stories on their own terms, and not be forced to be ‘humanized’ through a white, colonialist gaze.

Popular Culture & The Civic Imagination: Youth Culture and Civic Imagination After the Arab Spring (2 of 2)

The chapter ends on a hopeful note of reimagining a better future, one contingent on these subjects coming of age and implementing their politics in order to ameliorate what they see as problems. The rest of the article, however, is emphasizing critique, remixing, and a sense of deconstruction. Could you elaborate on how these youths are using these deconstructive projects to create a constructive new vision for their nation? 

While we conclude that there is not one explicit alternative that these youth are drawing, there is a common theme of pushing out the things they do not want and bringing in the things they do want. If we look at the content together maybe an apt metaphor would be that of a brainstorm.

They deconstruct the sanctity of figures of authority and morality. This is something that Yomna has explored deeper in her work (including this article and her dissertation titled "Modes of Cultural Resistance Post-Arab Spring: Humor, Music and the Making of a New Digital Identity").  

When I connect this to the civic imagination workshops, a few of which I have helped facilitate, there has to be an agreement when you walk into the room that the way things look right now does not have to be the way things look in the future. People who hold power, figures of authority or morality, individuals who make decisions for large groups of people do not have to be the same in the future as they are now. The rules that apply to this world need not apply to the world we build. Based on this agreement, the participants in the workshop begin drawing images and telling stories about the world they want to see. This is also how online creative content (like the data analyzed in our chapter) works. There are many more participants, and it is not an organized effort, but each person is taking part in drawing the image of what we can have and what we should leave behind in the future.  

Without deconstructing, the new images cannot come forward. In the civic imagination workshops we have referred to this as the "tyranny of the possible." If participants are controlled/haunted by the rules of how the world currently operates, they will not be able to imagine imaginative solutions. They must first deconstruct/let go of these rules in order to make room for the imagination. What happens online is that once you enter that page marked by the "just for fun" title or the quirky hashtags you know you have entered a space of play and imagination, where the usual rules do not necessarily apply.  

Elaborate on your choice of Facebook as the platform of study? What is the major difference between this platform and others that also house memes, like Reddit or 9Gag? 

The most dominant social media platforms in the Middle East region are all owned by the Facebook company. Facebook tops the charts in terms of number of users in the Middle East, followed by WhatsApp and Instagram. While Instagram remains more common among youth (broadly defined as 12-35), Facebook and WhatsApp are used by different age groups. Content ranging from humorous memes and videos to political, social, and religious subject matter is shared on and across these networks.  

When it comes to Reddit and 9Gag, these two platforms have a different type of community. The content is predominantly in English, and while there are subreddits focusing on content related to the Middle East or the Arabic language, this content is not as common and does not circulate as widely as it does on the platforms like Facebook and Instagram. While Reddit and 9Gag remain key platforms in the early days an Internet meme begins to spread, they do not have the same function when it comes to Arabic memes.  

Moreover, since the type of content we were looking at was not searchable by using a key term or hashtag, we collected data through access to communities on Facebook pages. These pages are where content is circulated and shared, and they were also places where fans or followers could interact with the content, as well as where we could get in touch directly with creators.  

What are you currently working on? Could you dive deeper into the intersection between memes and civic engagement? 

At the moment, I am working on my dissertation which focuses on multilinguistic memes as a way to investigate cultural hybridity in the digital era. Following Henry Jenkins, I believe that we live in a world where what is civic and what is engagement continue to change. Traditionally, we may think of civic engagement as voting at a poll station and participating in other forms of institutional politics. However, today, I look at civic engagement as a broader term, encompassing not only institutional political participation, but also any intervention in cultural values and ideologies. Based on that, the content Yomna Elsayed and I looked at in this book chapter and the content I am investigating for my dissertation can all be considered a form of civic engagement. When people create cultural content, they are casting a ballot for the values and ideologies they seek to enforce or criticize. They are trying to point out the social or political aspects of their surroundings which they deem to be ridiculous or laughable. Through their content, creators also share what they are fans of and what they would like to see more of, and they share their content to try to spread awareness and persuade others.  

By investigating multilinguistic memes in my dissertation, my goal is to uncover the values and ideologies sought by people who live life in multiple languages, and to understand the role of cultural hybridity in civic engagement in the digital era.  

Sulafa Zidani is a Doctoral Candidate in Communication at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism. Her research is concentrated in social, political, and cultural aspects of digital media technology, global and transnational communication, cultural hybridity, and critical pedagogy. You can find her work on sulafazidani.com

Jing Xian (Jessica) Yang is a second year Masters student in the Cinema and Media Studies department at the University of Southern California. She completed her undergraduate degree at the University of British Columbia, double majoring in Psychology and Film Studies. Her research interests include fandom, YouTube, and audience research.

Popular Culture & The Civic Imagination: Youth Culture and Civic Imagination After the Arab Spring (1 of 2)

Youth Culture and Civic Imagination After the Arab Spring

Jessica Yang & Sulafa Zidani

The material you analyze in your chapter is politically sensitive material but was able to bypass censorship because of their nuanced nature. Has the material or the people you talked to ever faced censorship? If so, how did they deal with that situation? 

The people creating this material online have deep knowledge of the context in which they are operating. This includes familiarity with the laws and regulations in relation to censorship, and also, perhaps even more importantly, an understanding of the nuanced ways in which the government exercises control over content online outside of these regulations. In other words, people know how far they can stretch their critical messages, and they are usually aware if they create content that might risk getting them into some kind of trouble. This fluency is part of the reason why the content looks the way it does. In our chapter, Yomna and I discuss the different uses for humor and specifically of the disclaimer “just for fun” that categorizes most of these pages. One of the purposes of labeling the content as purely for fun is to place criticism within a frame that is non-threatening or ostensibly non-political. This does not only help with censorship but also marks this content as a space to think about issues and imagine new responses to the current situation. 

Given the sensitive nature of these images and jokes, did you see any strategies for avoiding the archival or searchable affordances of platforms like Facebook, such as a specific way of tagging, closed groups, etc.?

Using private settings and unsearchable hashtags are practices that--intentionally or unintentionally--do help protect content from being discovered. They are also practices that, in their lack of coherence, form the type of content that characterizes the creativity of Arab youth after the Arab Spring; a creativity that does not follow the practices set forth by the platforms on which they operate or the dominant cultures around them because they are exploring new and innovative solutions.  

Many social media groups and pages are now closed or private, but this shift might be more related to the norms of specific social media platforms than a desire to hide from censors. For example, on Instagram, some meme pages have turned private in the past couple of years as a way to attract followers. When it comes to searchability and archiving, one of the main ways to search for online content is by using hashtags or searching keywords that may appear in a caption. However, most of the content we discuss in the chapter is visual content and it is not categorized using hashtags or keywords, and therefore is not really searchable. Even the names of the pages are not names that would appear if you search for funny or satirical Arabic content. Names like "translation has been made" (Tamt Altagrama) or "distressed" (Mawtoura), although they hint at characteristics of the content on the page, they do not use descriptive words that can trace the content (like "satirical," "funny," "humorous," "Arabic" content). 

It is debatable whether this is intentional on part of the creators as a move to avoid censorship. It can also be part of the desire to be creative and continue the process of producing new content and ideas. For example, one of the hashtags used on several Arabic humor pages on instagram is #zaatarinyourteeth. Zaatar, the Middle Eastern herb mix that is usually enjoyed on bread with olive oil, is known to get stuck in teeth because one of its main ingredients, thyme, is ground very thin. Zaatar never appears in the images that are tagged with this hashtag, nor do anyone's zaatar-filled teeth. However this hashtag is still used to signal a particular type of humor and as a way to invite a smile that might perhaps reveal the zaatar in the viewer's teeth. Other similar uses of hashtags and captions include listing a number of different Arab countries or using emojis such as flags of Arab countries or the so-called "Face with Tears of Joy" Emoji (😂). Whether or not these hashtags are used to avoid censorship, they are clearly a creative choice of labelling that is used to signal that this is a particular type of content.   

Assuming that much of this material works on a certain level of obscurity or at least opacity from the government, is there any danger to academic attention being homed in on these subjects? Have these spaces moved since this attention? 

Research ethics under such circumstances are complex. Certain practices that we are accustomed to--like transparency about sources and sharing data--may in fact put people at risk in certain situations. For example, sharing direct quotes and links to content is considered ethical in that it demonstrates transparency and gives readers the chance to evaluate the data of the study for themselves. However, in many contexts, revealing the author of controversial content or direct links to controversial posts might put the authors in danger of being persecuted. So, the ethics related to research transparency might sometimes conflict with ethics of protecting research participants. While institutional bodies that govern ethics, like the Institutional Review Board (IRB), provide guidelines for ethical research, in fact these guidelines are not always enough for protecting people in complex contexts, especially given the fast-paced changes of technology. Institutions usually change more slowly, and therefore the work of solving ethical conflicts falls often on individual or group decisions of researchers.  

Using their knowledge and understanding of the context in which they are operating, researchers estimate what measures would keep their participants safe while maintaining the integrity of their study. In our chapter, Yomna and I draw on ethnographic research for solutions. For example, using (and sometimes shifting) pseudonyms to protect participants, and consulting directly with participants as to how they wish to identify.  

Many governments around the world are already observing or serveilling content posted online. Based on my knowledge of the context in China and in Egypt, the government seeks censorship as a way to prevent an organized collective call to action. This chapter as well as other studies show that creative content online acts less as an organized call to action and more as a spontaneous open-ended brainstorm. This creative content is not an explicit unified vision of change, but rather a way of imagining, practicing, or learning. Governments deal with online content in different ways, and some have more extensive or complex censorship systems than others. The way that a government reacts to this content depends on their preexisting censorship and what their concerns are at the present moment. My presumption here is that governments that are interested in these subtle cultural shifts are already keeping an eye on creative content, while governments that are looking exclusively at collective organizing would continue to focus on political activists, social movements, and the like. 

In some countries, Egypt being one example, online content and academic content are both closely watched. This may give academics a better understanding of the challenges that content creators have in mind when they post online. Because, as it happens these challenges are always changing. Censorship and citizens are both continually responding to ever changing political, cultural, economic, and other conditions, as well as to each other. Researching how the dynamics operate benefits our understanding of culture and creativity in a certain moment of time or under specific conditions.

Sulafa Zidani is a Doctoral Candidate in Communication at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism. Her research is concentrated in social, political, and cultural aspects of digital media technology, global and transnational communication, cultural hybridity, and critical pedagogy. You can find her work on sulafazidani.com.

Jing Xian (Jessica) Yang is a second year Masters student in the Cinema and Media Studies department at the University of Southern California. She completed her undergraduate degree at the University of British Columbia, double majoring in Psychology and Film Studies. Her research interests include fandom, YouTube, and audience research.

Popular Culture & The Civic Imagination: 'Who and What Belongs: #Gamergate and Abjection' (2 of 2)

SP: I think what you're talking about here, this process of identifying and suppressing the abject element ("the monster") among us, is definitely liminal, or at least incredibly prone to crossover between both physical and virtual spaces even though they may seem distinct and separate. Especially when threats of physical violence are the means by which people are pushed out of virtual space. This discussion of pain and emotion in this context too become hyper-relevant when the way the abject element is identified is by people displaying the wrong emotions in the wrong (virtual) spaces (like making a game about depression).

Instead of getting you started on the nature of pain and emotions, I'd like to get you started on the role they play in this, and the public sphere more broadly. You use your chapter to frame gg as imagined publics in revolt and show how these processes reflect on, and happen in the public sphere generally. Can you expand a bit more on this process of pain, emotion, and affect in the public sphere?

jm: Okay so your question really touches on another seminar paper I wrote, this time for a class in Annenberg called Networked Publics. I argued that if we use a habermasian conception of the public sphere in that speech = agency and conversation = sphere, I think when we approach rhetoric from a wholistic perspective —ethos, logos and pathos— we must also consider feeling as a form of speech. We obviously recognize people with no ability to communicate as persons with rights (setting aside a discussion of ableism). They still have the basic rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I argue that if one can feel happiness or pain, if they can express pleasure and displeasure, then they should be entitled to fundamental rights of personhood. That then implies that the public sphere, if constituted as a pathological/emotional conversation rather than a verbal/logical conversation, can include a lot of persons (especially non-humans) that have previously been excluded due to a lack of perceived “intelligence.”

So thinking of an affective public ‘pathosphere’ (I think I made that up?) that is layered over and within the sort of ‘logosphere’ that also drives people and groups to action. I used this concept to explain why, in my humble/professional opinion, no one could discern a motive for the Las Vegas Shooter. I argued that it wasn’t a decision based on logos, but a decision based on pathos and a desire to force empathy — to make others feel his pain.

SP: That's a great way of thinking about this, thanks for sharing that. It makes me think about how the desire for empathy can drive or spark off so many different and sometimes extreme things. I think that's particularly interesting considering that Depression Quest itself, while I still think the whole debacle was more about everything we've discussed here moreso than the game itself, was very overtly an attempt to engender empathy for the experience of depression. This seems to be the entire point of "serious games" (I hate that term) about mental health. Clearly, I think that most who took the anti-Quinn side of GG didn't respond well to it. Of course though, there are other games that have done this sort of thing without experiencing the extreme level of vitriol that Depression Quest faced, like Adventures with Anxiety by Nicky Case.

Source: ‘Ten Video Games that Deal with Mental Illness

This is taking a bit of a turn from what you were saying here, but this line of thinking makes me wonder about the ways games sometimes do and sometimes don't succeed in creating/encouraging empathy, even in games that aren't "serious games" or even centered around mental health awareness. Can you speak a bit on how what you've said above can be seen through the lens of the games?

jm: This is a great excuse to talk about the object of my fascination right now, which is the way that games operationalize empathy and emotions both for the character and the player. There has to be a sort of double consciousness in the design process that maintains awareness both of the way the character’s behavior demonstrates emotions and the way the game mechanics affect the emotions of the player herself. A great example of this — yet another classroom assignment, this time for Dmitri Williams’ course on the Science, Culture and Industry of games — was a game I played and critiqued by Telltale Games, their Game of Thrones adaptation.

For me the game mechanics were so obnoxiously difficult and seemingly random — you couldn’t count on the same button to do the same thing in different contexts, there was no tutorial on using the controls, some actions seemed to be timed for no reason — that the experience was so frustrating I barely wanted to play past the first ten minutes. Eventually I did give up after a scene in which there is nothing you can do but fail to save your younger sibling from a senseless murder. In my analysis, I spoke about the way you can see the designers aiming for the sense of abject (heh) horror, impotence and futility of fighting against these nefarious and sadistic leaders — something that’s very prevalent in the show — and how it doesn’t work so well as a game mechanic. Further I argued that the game was really more of an interactive story due to a general lack of consistent rules or framing and a sort of impotence on the part of the player. The affect of the game mechanics basically prevented me from gaining any sort of significant affect from the character behavior and then when I finally did connect to the characters, there was nothing I could do to help them. It works in a TV show. It didn’t work as a game — at least for me.

Conversely, I’m obsessed with the game Detroit: Become Human (DBH) — and not just because Steve and I are both Detroiters! — and the way they use affect to tell the story. The plot of the game echoes the civil rights movement of the 1960s except that in this case the people looking for liberation are androids. Like slaves they are bought and sold, used and abused, and treated entirely as objects until they become “deviant.” There are several moments in the game where you play an android who is becoming deviant. This is illustrated through moments of extreme distress and conflict, where the android has a desire to do something which directly contradicts the orders they were given by their owner. The interface that you, as a player, encounter in that moment, has you literally pushing through a bright red barrier — a psychological barrier, it’s clear that this is something going on mentally and emotionally, rather than physically — that you must tear down and destroy before you can disobey.

In a later scene, you can decide on the slogans that the androids will paint and graffiti in various places throughout the city — one of them, the one I chose, is quite simple; “I am alive.” You can see how this sort of echoes what I was saying before about the ability to feel and how that feeling, more than any sort of intelligence, is what *should* entitle folks to (what we currently refer to as) human rights. Even if you’re not a gamer, it’s worth pulling up some videos of DBH, just to see how they theorize and operationalize ideas about empathy, sentience, consciousness, affect, intelligence and belonging.

The games I mentioned are both triple A games, but it’s largely due to the fact that those are the games that are available to me and which I can access with relative ease. In fact, I didn’t even purchase DBH, my best friend sent me her copy and then I later downloaded it via Playstation Plus. The truth is that there are a TON of indie developers and gamers out there doing similar work that is both beautiful and poignant and incredibly valuable as a site of theory of everyday life or the future of everyday life.

Our job as scholars and practitioners is to find ways to promote games like Depression Quest and engage in dialogues like these to do a better job of surfacing these brilliant and sophisticated thinkers as we all work toward a better understanding of our emotions and the way they affect our behavior, both in private and in public(s).

SP: I’m interested in what you mentioned early in this response about the controls of The Walking Dead being frustrating and disconnecting you from the game as this makes me think about something I’ve written and read on a bit, which is enjoying games and situations that seem unenjoyable, like games that try to make you feel bad and guilty. I think what you mentioned makes a lot of sense to me as the type of player that I am, but it also makes me think of those who may enjoy a control scheme and narrative context that makes them feel helpless (side note: better scholars than I have has articulated a lot of stuff about enjoying failure and etc, like Bo Ruberg in their book Video Games Have Always Been Queer). Although it sounds like I wouldn’t enjoy the emotional experience that the game seems to tend to invoke by design, it also makes me think about play styles and players who revel in that kind of helplessness and other affects/emotions which are typically considered negative. 

To loop back to what you said at the end though, I think you’re right that it’s sort of on us to find and talk about games that encourage dialogues like this. Exploring different ways of understanding and discussing our emotions as people and players is important, especially in an academic space that often normatively tends to put emotion at an arms-length through even the traditions of how we’re supposed to write.

I think that this positive note is a good note to end on: Playing, discussing, and writing about games like these in these spaces. I’m going to go play Detroit: Become Human now.

Steven Proudfoot is a PhD student at USC's Annenberg school of communication. He studies video games and fandom, especially where they intersect in fields of psychology and cultural studies.

joan miller is a doctoral candidate in Communication at the University of Southern California, Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism, and a transmedia artist with a broadly interdisciplinary approach. joan’s work focuses on empathy at the intersection of media fandom and politics. Her dissertation — tentatively titled “The Use of Feeling” explores the ways in which empathy and pathos govern our behavior both in relation to our fandom and to our communities at large. joan is especially interested in themes of kinship, empathic communication and anti-colonialist approaches to producing media scholarship. Currently her attention is focused on theorizing and prototyping a methodology of fandom studies inspired by Bardic and Griotic traditions of the values and necessities for community storytelling.

______________________________

Dear reader, 

Some of you have brought to our attention the fact that this blog has comments turned off. Part of this is due to the fact that this is meant to be an educational tool for students of a range of ages and we do not have the capacity to police the amount of spam we receive (much of it inappropriate for some of our readers). I have found no spam filter strong enough to block the bots and yet nuanced enough to allow the actual comments in.  Further, this post in particular deals with a sensitive topic that has the potential to expose my students to danger. While I encourage constructive and well argued critique, discussion and dissent; the safety of the students in my care is the number one priority. Finally, when critiquing the posts in this series, keep in mind that the conversations are only a continuation of work that appears in the casebook — it’s possible that your questions are answered within. While it’s frustrating for me and all of us to keep the comments closed, there are plenty of spaces online where you can write and share your thoughts. If you do, we hope you’ll send us a link. 

Sincerely,

Henry,

References

Appadurai, A. (1998). “Dead Certainty: Ethnic Violence in the Era of Globalization” Public Culture 10 (2): 225-47

Creed, B. (2015) “Horror and the Monstrous Feminine: An Imaginary Abjection.” The Dread of Difference, edited by Barry K. Grant. University of Texas Press, pp. 37-67.

Creed, B. (1993) Monstrous-Feminine: Film, Feminism, Psychoanalysis. Routledge, 1993.

Douglas, M. (2015). Purity and danger: an analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo with a new preface by the author. London: Routledge.

Kristeva, J. (1982). Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection Translated by Leon S. Roudiez. New York: Columbia University Press.

Ruberg, B. (2019). Video games have always been queer. NYU Press.

—. (2010). Hatred and Forgiveness. Translated by Jenaine Herman. New York: Columbia University Press

Popular Culture & The Civic Imagination: "Who and What Belongs: #Gamergate and Abjection" (1 of 2)

Who and What Belongs: #Gamergate and Abjection

Steven Proudfoot and joan miller

As part of the series of blog posts spurred on by the recent publication "Popular Culture and the Civic Imagination," I'm here to talk to joan miller about her chapter in the book and her work today. Both of us are doctoral students at the University of Southern California, Annenberg School of Communication. joan is currently in the fifth-year of her program, working on her dissertation, while I am a first-year, looking forward to the future. The chapter we’re discussing here is #20. “For the Horde: Violent “Trolling” as Preemptive Strike via #GamerGate and the #AltRight” (214-22), it conceptualizes the #gamergate conflict as a virtual war between two competing imagined publics and demonstrates the ways in which the civic imagination can become a site of conflict and abjection.

[Note: Since we conducted this interview as more of a conversation than a formalized process, we have used bracketed interjections throughout as a way to reflect the conversational dynamic of our discussion as well as to add some post-hoc notes.]

Steven Proudfoot: So, I think it'd be good to start with a discussion of where we are now in 2020 since Gamergate happened in 2014. You mentioned that you started working on this piece  in 2015, how has this progressed or changed since then?

joan miller: That’s a good question. I think the term #gamergate has kind of fallen out of popular consciousness or people see it as this old-news kind of thing as if it hit a crux and then just stopped. It obviously didn’t — that’s just not how social phenomenon like that work most of the time — like I argued in my chapter, they kind of dispersed themselves among groups with different names but the same ideology and tactics.

I think as Brianna Wu argues, we can see the tactics of gamergate being used by lots of folks in the #altright and even to some extent on the left when we hear about some ostensible Sanders supporters doing it to folks from the Nevada hospitality union.

It’s obviously very concerning and I think that’s probably why my chapter is still valuable even though the phenomenon has morphed into something else.

SP: There’s a line that you quoted early in your piece that touches on this idea very well: ". . . This hashtag was the canary in the coal mine, and we missed it” (214).  It captures the idea that this whole event was more about the who, what, and how it ostracized and labeled people as bad and dangerous to the community. Seeing these tactics echoed across different spaces shows that it was less about the game and more about everything else. For me, as a then high school senior and a cisgendered man whose friend groups were primarily gamers, #gamergate was a strange experience for me. As such, most of my exposure to it was through YouTubers. Based on my demographic, it maybe isn't surprising that the videos YouTube threw my way were the anti-Quinn side. I'm ashamed to say that, at the time, some of the more moderate voices were hard to see through. Though, when aggressive voices (some of whom have since been revealed to be members of the AltRight) bashed folks like Quinn with vitriol, it wasn't hard to see the irrationality. Clearly, I was off-put by a lot of it, but at the time, some of the more mild arguments worked at first.

My experience with #gamergate shows a few key things that resonate with what you said here and in the chapter. First, these tactics work. When subsumed into an echo chamber of videos and peers, it can be hard to see through it in the moment, even though it’s easy to see in hindsight. That is scary. Second, many of the loudest voices were from the altright. The fact that these tactics crop up in different spaces, especially along with the altright, goes to show how resonant that quote was. Canary in the coal mine indeed.

jm: Right and that underscores my approach in that it is not a purely logical appeal and therefore we miss things when we use a purely logical analytical frame. In this case it has a lot to do with affect and affinity and group belonging. To bring in the discussion of abjection a little, the general idea as I understand it, is that abjection is the process by which we form an identity in contrast to another. So we could take a concept like whiteness. What is it to be white? Well, it’s to be someone other than a person of color and vise versa. The borders of that identity become clearer in opposition to each other. So gamergaters push away people and ideas who cause them to feel complex negative affect or tax their energy for complex critical thinking and then define their group of “us” through rejecting the group “them.”

In this same vein I recently did a dialogic essay with Carrie Lynn Reinhard where we discussed fandom and affect in relation to politics. One of the things we ultimately agreed upon — at least between us — was that fandom involves a group of people with a shared affect pointed in the same direction at an object or idea. So it became untenable emotionally for gamergaters to share a fandom with anti-gg because they had conflicting affect about the object (video games) of focus. For what it’s worth, as best I remember that definition of abjection comes from Mary Douglas purity and danger. [This is actually more Kristeva than Douglas, but both of them and Appadurai influenced my thinking on abjection and identity. The relevant quote can be found at the bottom of page 217 in the book.] I originally encountered all this thinking on abjection in a class with Karen Shimakwa at NYU. This chapter was originally a seminar paper for that class.

SP: I'm really glad that you brought the role of abjection to the front here. I think that this use and framing of #gamergate as a process of abjection is very astute. [thanks! jm] This observation particularly struck me because it's such a different context than how I, as a growing scholar, encountered work on abjection.

As an undergraduate English major, I took a lot of film classes, one of which was called "Horror and Gender." Unsurprisingly, Julia Kristeva's work on abjection was very central in a lot of that class. My conception of abjection was a bit more visceral and brings to mind body-horror and monsters, but the core of it, to my understanding is simply that which disturbs identities, systems, and/or societal order. Whether it’s visceral body horror or something more subtle, the abject part is that which disturbs that which it exists in.

[jm: Post-hoc interjection here. It’s worth noting that abjection can appear in different ways. Sometimes abjection comes from social/psychological things, sometimes it’s physical. The Appadurai piece I rely on talks a lot about gore and physical violence — my intervention was to bring that to the virtual world, where borders are less clear and thus the body horror aspects get bracketed.]

SP: Thinking and reading about abjection in relation to horror film situates the abject in a sometimes more clear sense, often literally monstrous. More critically, these representations of abjection in film often reflect the abject element with which society is currently preoccupied. [jm: Consider the Oscar-winning film ‘Parasite.’] So, I'm accustomed to thinking about society's abjection by looking in its reflections. Yet, what you did was point at it without the mirror of film.

A lot of work on abjection in the film space echoes what you identify in your chapter. To paraphrase Barbara Creed in her work on the "Monstrous-Feminine," she states that ritual contact with the abject element becomes a means by which societies exclude that element. I think that these GG videos bashing Depression Quest are a clear part of the process of "radically excluding" the abject element. By demonstrating that #gamergate defines Depression Quest and Quinn as that which is harmful to the system, and that those things need to be radically excluded for the good of the system, we can see a textbook example of abjection and the processes associated with suppressing it.

jm: This is all great [and I went through and edited a lot of our language around imposter syndrome and whether the anecdotes are valuable] because I truly believe that everyone’s story and POV are inherently valuable, including yours.

So yeah. This is a really interesting way to discuss abjection because what you’re saying really underscores the ways that Arjun Appadurai takes up abjection to explain intercultural violence and genocide (see p.218). Conveniently, that’s also the seed of this article. We read an excerpt from Fear of Small Numbers (and of course, this being a seminar assignment, I was required to include articles from the readings) that talked about the violence between groups like the Hutus and Tutsis as a way of knowing the other through violent abjection. There remains no more ambiguity between what is me and what is them when “me” has the power to turn “them” inside out and upside down. I won’t describe the actual torture that was discussed but I saw a parallel between the violence done to physical bodies in those spaces versus the radical dismembering of virtual identities through doxxing and harassment. One of the things I wanted to assert — that wasn’t necessarily as widely accepted then as it is now — is that virtual violence is real violence and has real victims.

Appadurai also underscores that this pattern is particularly likely among folks who live in close quarters on a daily basis where there is a lot of intermingling between the opposed groups. It then becomes necessary — emotionally — to resolve the frightening ambiguity between us and them. In gg, the communities are “imagined” in that they don’t necessarily exist in meat-space except on special occasions and even then only parts are visible. The internet allows for this virtual space that is both infinitely large and impossibly intimate. There’s room for every single gamergater but there’s absolutely no room for ambiguous others like Brianna Wu or Anita Sarkeesian or, it’s worth noting, people like me.

By using virtual and emotional violence gg-ers can push others off the internet and therefore out of existence. Hence, this is why I frame the two parties as “imagined publics in revolt.” I haven’t seen the Ready Player One film, but I’ve read the book and I’m imagining the climactic battle scene where all the players fight the corporate NPCs. And because emotions live in the body, those affects don’t stay in the virtual world and that violence crosses realms so-to-speak. As if your video game character dying resulted in you feeling real pain.

Don’t even get me started about the nature of pain and emotions, that’s a whole ‘nother book.

Steven Proudfoot is a PhD student at USC's Annenberg school of communication. He studies video games and fandom, especially where they intersect in fields of psychology and cultural studies.

joan miller is a doctoral candidate in Communication at the University of Southern California, Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism, and a transmedia artist with a broadly interdisciplinary approach. joan’s work focuses on empathy at the intersection of media fandom and politics. Her dissertation — tentatively titled “The Use of Feeling” explores the ways in which empathy and pathos govern our behavior both in relation to our fandom and to our communities at large. joan is especially interested in themes of kinship, empathic communication and anti-colonialist approaches to producing media scholarship. Currently her attention is focused on theorizing and prototyping a methodology of fandom studies inspired by Bardic and Griotic traditions of the values and necessities for community storytelling.

An Archive Not of Their Own: Fan Fiction & Controversy in China

As my works have been translated into various languages other than English, I find myself pulled into controversies involving participatory culture and fandom in other parts of the world. For many of the foreign language editions of my books, we create new content by having a scholar who is more deeply embedded in that culture interview me, asking the questions that might most interest readers there.

Textual Poachers is one of my books which has been translated for the Chinese market. I recently received an interview request from a reporter for Sanlian Lifeweek, an important politics and culture publication there, to provide some context for a controversy which is brewing there around real person fiction, which resulted in the shutting down of Chinese access to Archive of Our Own, an important fan fiction platform, which I had recently written about for an Australian publication. You can read more about the events in Chinese fan culture here. In a situation like this, I resist the urge to directly comment on what’s happening in China. I am after all not an expert on Chinese fandom, though I know more about developments there than many Americans because I work with so many Chinese students at USC. So, I framed my comments in regard to the American context, though they were meant to speak implicitly to developments there. I was surprised by the scale of interest in these remarks.  The editors shared a snapshot of reader response on social media less than 24 hours after the interview was posted late last week.

Wechat: 80,000 Views, 2291 Shares till now.

Weibo: 2.19 million views, 9442 Shares, 9474 comments, 85,000 likes till now.

All reports are that the article has continued to circulate and gain interest there. The editors asked if I would be willing to share an English language version of the article through my blog and I am happily doing so. This version is expanded slightly from what was circulated in China, containing two questions and responses which were cut there for length.

Controversy & Xiaozhan’s fans

Sanlian Lifeweek

The main controversy surrounding this incident of Xiaozhan’s fans is about RPF (real person fiction) , especially when it involves depictions of restricted category. I noticed that you didn't discuss anything about it in Textual Poachers. Could you please introduce the situation of RPF in the west and your opinion about it?

Henry Jenkins

Real person fiction goes back a long time – much was written by American and British fans about the Beatles in the 1960s. And various forms of grassroots responses to Hollywood stars can be found much earlier. When I wrote Textual Poachers in the early 1990s, Real Person Fiction was relatively rare and still very controversial within fandom. Many of my informants asked me not to write about it and I consented, feeling that it was not my job to expose fandom at a point when it was still working through some of the issues involved.

Over the past few decades, real person fiction has grown as a category of fan fiction and is still more widely accepted by fans and performers, alike. Real person fiction is precisely that – fictions written based on fan fantasies regarding media celebrities (actors, pop stars, sports players, even politicians). Many of these celebrities live in the public eye having little to no private life already in part thanks to the ways they have become drivers of media coverage and their job is in part to stimulate the desires of their audiences. So, we should not hold it against fans that they have erotic fantasies about their favorite performers. When they write this fan fiction, it is a projection of those fantasies into a form which can be shared online with others who share similar desires.

These fantasies are as diverse in their content as the fans who are attracted to a particular performer, and they often involve experimenting with forms of sexuality which may be taboo elsewhere in the culture. American fans often do have some shared norms about what is and is not appropriate to write, mostly having to do with protecting the privacy of other people in the star’s life. Writing about the star is seen as fair game; writing about their family members is not. Some American stars ignore these stories but recognize them as communication amongst fans; a few take great pleasure in them; but fewer and fewer stars are taking offense at the fact people are writing and reading such fictions.

Sanlian Lifeweek

Another contention is that this fan fiction portrays Xiaozhan as a “transgender”. In fact, non-heterosexual content in fanworks is often controversial, How do you understand gender in fandom?

Henry Jenkins

Think of fan fiction as a space free of the commercial constraints that shape the media industry, where people can engage in collective storytelling drawing upon their shared investments in the raw materials popular culture provides them. Much of what gets written deals with romance and erotics because so much of what the culture industry produces also deals with these themes and because such subject matter is central to what makes us human. In our culture, as in yours, our norms about gender and sexuality are in flux and as people make sense of their own identities and those of people around them, they use stories as a vehicle to think through what it might mean to have a particular orientation or relationship.

We write fan fiction as a form of speculation and exploration. For some people, it may be one of the few spaces in the culture where they can express who they are, what they are feeling, what they are desiring. And for others, it is a place of “what if” where they explore in fantasy things they would not necessarily desire in reality. Imagine you were a fan of pirates: writing a story about a pirate does not mean you want to be a pirate. You might simply be wanting to imagine what it would feel like to be a pirate and the same is true for those who write these stories. But in the process of sharing these stories, fans with different sexual and gender identities can communicate and learn from each other about the changes already underway in the culture around them.

Sanlian Lifeweek

Besides, many people are criticizing the idol for losing his voice in this incident, because he didn't come out to stop his fans or apologize for this result. Do you think the idol should be responsible for the behavior of his fans?

Henry Jenkins

Fans are responsible for their own behavior. A performer may express their preferences regarding any number of things beyond questions of gender and sexuality– perhaps the star is a vegetarian and finds stories where they eat meat disgusting or perhaps they have strong political views and do not want other contradictory beliefs ascribed to them. Many fans will comply to that request out of politeness and respect. But fans also reserve the right to read texts on their own terms and that includes making up stories which are not sanctioned by the producers. Most stories include some disclaimer which is intended to signal that the producers do not necessarily approve of what they write and that these works are intended to be read as a product of the fan’s own imagination. Under these circumstances, I would not hold a performer responsible for his fans’ behaviors but the performer is responsible for their own behavior and fans may respond negatively to performers who over-react to the existence of alternative fantasies and insult or hector their audiences.  

What is AO3?

Sanlian Lifeweek

In this incident, AO3 was blocked led to the users to boycott Xiaozhan’s works and commercial endorsement. How to understand this strong reaction from users? What role does AO3 play in fandom?

Henry Jenkins

In the pre-internet era, fan productions were largely underground, traded among people who already knew each other, and limited to a small, insular, homogeneous community. With the rise of the internet, more people have been able to access and participate in the production of fan fiction. There’s been an enormous expansion in the number of source texts fans write about; fans around less known texts can find each other online and communities grow. This process is now more open to fans around the world and fandom has become one site for cultural exchange and understanding. The platforms are the spaces where such exchanges take place. Remove them from the equation and all of the practices of fandom will persist; fandom is good at working around all forms of censorship. But the scope and scale of fandom would diminish and with it, the kinds of social exchanges around stories that are today seen as one of the most valuable aspects of online fandom.

Keep in mind that AO3 is a particular kind of platform. Alongside Wikipedia, AO3 is one of the greatest accomplishments of participatory culture in the digital era. AO3 is not a commercial platform which profits from grassroots expression; the servers are owned and operated by the fan community, where fans deploy their skills in the service of creating a more supportive environment from amateur writers to create and share their stories with each other. Last year, the site was recognized with a Hugo Award, one of the top prizes given for genre fiction, at the World Science Fiction Convention. This award recognizes the accomplishment of AO3 and the Organization of Transformative Works by the top professional writers in American popular fiction. It is understandable that fans in China and elsewhere around the world are horrified at the prospect of closing down access to this site which has been so valuable to so many people who are finding their voices as storytellers for the first time.

Sanlian Lifeweek

However, there is a large amount of pornography, violence and other sensitive content on AO3, many opponents believe that it will have a negative impact on teenagers, who are the important participants of the fandom, and many parents even think that teenagers should not participate in the fan activities. What is your view on this?

Henry Jenkins

I recently wrote a scholarly study of AO3 and the many forms of literacy it helps to foster among its participants, one which built on work by many different educational researchers. Among my findings were that fan fiction sites can be a valuable space for young people to acquire skills (and receive feedback) on their writing from more experienced writers who share these same passions, and it can be especially important as a space for practicing English skills since it often involves cross-cultural communications around shared interests. It has been a space where young people also learn to critically read and reflect on stories, where they acquire coding and other technical skills, where they learn to navigate diverse cultural communities and acquire leadership skills. Work by American educators would describe this as connected learning, recognizing the role which informal, peer cultures play in shaping young people’s access to meaningful educational experiences and resources. Others have written about the distributed mentorship in fandom as people support each other throughout this learning process. I start with this focus on the educational benefits of fandom because the current debate focuses exclusively on risks and not what is lost from denying teens the ability to participate in what are otherwise rewarding experiences for them. The challenge is how to minimize the risks and maximize the benefits.

That said, while teens have participated in fandom, a large part of those on AO3 are adults, engaging in adult conversations on adult topics. Not everything that happens there is appropriate for teen readers and not everything teens write is appropriate for adult readers. Contributors to the site tag and rate their stories deploying a broad range of categories intended to tell the reader about degrees of explicitness,  recurring themes and dramatic situations, forms of gender and sexual identity, etc. As a consequence, the site provided far more information that helps readers fan storied they will enjoy and avoid stories that are inappropriate for their needs and desires than most of the institutionalized rating systems within the media industry. While readers bear responsibility for the choices they make from what is offered, they have the potential to make informed choices, knowing what to expect from the stories they choose to read.

How teens acquire knowledge about sexuality is always a vexing question. Adolescents around the world have tremendous curiosity about sexual matters and seek information as best they can. Commercial pornography can be alienating, depicting sex removed from the context of human relations and reduced to body parts and the ways they come together. Fan fiction consistently depicts sex within relationships (in part drawn from the source material), sex involving people the reader cares about, and stories about people working through the complex feelings that sexual relations stirs up in people.

The Formation of Fandom

Sanlian Lifeweek

When you wrote Textual Poachers, the fandom was still far away from public view and could only be active in informal place. This book was part of the process of the fan community to reshape its group identity, speak out to the public, and defend itself to the public. More than 20 years later, in your opinion, what important changes have taken place in the fan community?

Henry Jenkins

The internet pushed fan culture into the public view, ready or not, allowing it to be receptive to a broader and more diverse group of participants. The internet has sped up the process of fan reaction and fan creation so that fan communities may process new content at a speed previously unimagined. It has broken down national borders and cultural boundaries, allowing fandom to be one of the more important crossroads for global digital cultures. It has meant more and more people could create and share stories with each other. This expansion results in heated debates within various fan communities about what kinds of stories are or are not appropriate, a working through of what constitutes acceptable content within a space known for its tolerance for diversity and its openness to new ideas. These debates are now more and more being covered as news and the choices fans are making can and often do have consequences within the creative industries.

Sanlian Lifeweek

Textual Poachers focuses on the "media fan", which is fan of movie and television. In your opinion, what is the difference between media fan and celebrity fan?

Henry Jenkins

Media fans are concerned with popular fictions, often focusing their stories around characters, such as Iron-Man or Harry Potter, though there are thousands of different fan interests, including those around specifically Chinese media content, on AO3. Celebrity fans are concerned with performers, and they may express those interests in many different ways from collecting magazine photographs and sharing gossip online to writing fan fiction. What’s important to recognize is that when fans write about celebrities, they become fictional characters. Fans generally only know things about celebrities which have appeared in some other form of media and anything beyond that is speculation. In most cases, real person fiction is not even speculation about star’s private lives, only the same kind of imaginings of the star’s sexual identity as occurs when fans make up stories about purely fictional characters. There is not a single fandom but rather multiple fandoms which overlap and diverge along many different axis (celebrity vs. fiction being only one) and the same fan may belong to multiple fan communities. These different kinds of fans may sometimes share the same platform, engage in some of the same practices, but this should not confuse us into thinking all fans speak in the same voice.

Sanlian Lifeweek

In Textual Poachers, you talk about an important daily practice for fans is to establish a relationship with a particular piece of text, such as a piece of music, an album, a TV series, and other popular culture texts. Fans love multiple texts, "hunting" in different texts and reconstructing new ones. Text is an important foundation for the formation of fandom. So, in the new media era, has the concept of text changed?

Henry Jenkins

First, I would stress the proliferation of media texts at the current moment. In America, we are talking about the era of “peak television” or “too much good television,” but it is also the era of global television. We have access to a much broader range of media content than ever before and in this context, fans play a constructive role in curating that content, helping some shows get greater visibility. In America, it’s said that one fan brings as many as 20 additional viewers to a television series, and that is one of the many ways that fans generate value for the entertainment industry. Here, fan engagement has become a really important currency within the television industry as Hollywood has come to appreciate the intensity of fan passion, the value of fan publicity, and the importance of satisfying their most valuable consumers. Second, these texts have become more malleable: we can spread them outside their normal commercial circuits; we can offer critical commentary and conduct conversations around them; we can remix them and deploy them as sources of inspiration for our own creative expression; and we can then share those new works with each other online. In such a world, it becomes even more important than before for fans to distinguish between canon (that is, works produced and authorized by media producers) and fanon (ideas and works originating from the fan world). This is one of many reasons where the tags which fans attach to their stories on AO3 are central to understanding the status of these fan works and the ways they are read in relation to the source material they are responding to.

Sanlian Lifeweek:

Therefore, should the fandom formed around "bad text" be criticized? In China, when we criticize so-called traffic stars, we are also criticizing them for not producing “good texts” but still attracting a large number of fans. How to understand this phenomenon?

Henry Jenkins

I can’t say much about traffic stars because I am not a scholar of Chinese fan cultures. But I can speak to your larger question. I would shift the question away from “good” and “bad texts.” Rather, the question should be what are fans finding meaningful about these performers and the texts they generate. I start from the premise that human beings do not engage in meaningless activities. I may not immediately recognize why something is meaningful but my job as a scholar is to understand why cultural materials are meaningful to the people who cherish them. In some cases, cultural materials may strike such awe, may seem so complete in and of themselves, that they inspire little or no fan activity. In some cases, the original works may be promising (holding potentials to say something that matters to their fans) but flawed (failing to achieve those potentials). Here, fans may actively engage in reworking them to more fully develop the elements that speak to them in some powerful way. Fandom is born of a mix of fascination and frustration – if the works did not spark intense interest, they would not generate fandom, but if they fully satisfied fan desires, then they would not need to rework them and recreate them. Finally, I would suggest that in some cases, what is meaningful may not be obvious from the source material: it may have to do with the social relations which the fans forge with each other.

Understanding the Fan Community

Sanlian Lifeweek

Actually, one of the main reasons other groups find it difficult to build a relationship with fandom is because of their unique language. What do you think of that language and the influence it has?

Henry Jenkins

The language fans use grows out of shared interpretations and experiences which have built up over a long history and across multiple texts. Many of the terms were not meant to be broadly understood because they are ways that fans can communicate with each other within a precarious context where companies or governments might shut down their grassroots expression at any moment. Mastering that language allows for a certain sense of belonging which becomes all the more important as the breakdown of traditional civic and family structures leave us feeling more and more isolated and alone. That language reflects the history of fan communities to incorporate and respect people with diverse backgrounds as well as people who feel different from others in their local context.

Fandom, of course, is not the only community which has specialized terms and there’s no reason to expect that the conversations of a subculture should be understood by society at large. Various professional groups – accountants or lawyers, say – have their own specialized languages which allow for efficient communication of regularly recurring concepts, and sports or music fans have specialized knowledge that may seem obscure to people who are not similarly invested. Part of what’s valuable about the internet is that it allows people to find others who share their values and interests, who speak their languages, and to enable conversations amongst them that span both time and geographical space. Fandom is simply one of the most powerful illustrations of what such virtual communities look like

Sanlian Lifeweek

However, we are seeing more and more of this conversation being irrational, which is totally different from the rational position you assume. Cyber violence is everywhere in fandom. Some experts attribute this to the mechanism of new media platforms such as Weibo in China. Do you think this kind of platforms should share the responsibility to help build fandom better?

Henry Jenkins

These issues of cultural divides, flame wars, and yes, cyberviolence do not originate within fandom per se. Scholars, educators, political leaders, policy makers, parents, around the world, are grappling with how to deal with antisocial behavior online in many different contexts. We can certainly point to examples where fan groups took their disagreements too far, including directing massive letter writing campaigns, against producers, performers, critics, and others, to assert their perspective on the choices being made within a divisive cultural context. In many cases in the United States, these angry fans are further stirred up by outside forces, including underground political organizations that want to recruit them for their causes. And these often fringe exchanges get amplified by the news media who do not cover all of the many ways where fans are constructively working through these same issues. These issues are larger than fandom, larger than the platforms where they publish, and reflect a global political crisis. Platforms can play a constructive role in responding promptly, rationally, and fairly to complaints calling out hate speech and other antisocial behavior. Often, in the past, they have been slow to remove content which is offensive and hostile to other communities who share use of these platforms, claiming no responsibility over what gets posted on their sites, and we want to push especially the large scale commercial platforms to have more accountability for the consequences of their choices.

About the Fan Economy

Sanlian Lifeweek

In fact, the fan community is increasingly valued and harnessed. This has created fan economy. However, we can see that on the one hand, fans have an increasingly power in it. For instance, the film industry will choose stars with a large number of fans rather than actors with really good acting skills to participate in different movies. On the other hand, fans are providing more and more free labor. How do we define the identity of fans in this new economy?

Henry Jenkins

The idea that producers chose stars because they will draw larger audiences is not a new idea in the entertainment industry and is not a product of online fandom, even if such spaces increase the visibility and intensity of fan responses to these performers. Films, television, popular music are commercial artforms: certainly we can apply aesthetic criteria to think about what constitutes a “really good actor” but we should also look at how effective this performers is at engaging an audience, at stiring up their interest around a particular story. That is to say, commercial art is judged by a mix of commercial and artistic criteria.

In terms of the role of fans in this new economy, it has indeed taken on greater significance. Fans have taken seriously their roles as publicists, helping to direct attention around their own agenda, and the industries in turn are not only valuing these fans because they play important roles in a media-saturated culture; they also are seeking to control and exploit the energies of fans towards their own ends. The later often comes at the expense of fan control over their own conversations and at the expense of the grassroots creativity we are discussing here. Fans are thus part inside and part outside the media industries today. As I predicted many years ago, the core debates of our time center around the terms of our participation – who gets to participate in what ways under what constraints.

Returning to the Civic Imagination Project: New Publications

This spring, my Civic Imagination Project will release two books, reflecting the past five plus years of our collective research. The first, Popular Culture and the Civic Imagination: Case Studies of Creative Social Change (Henry Jenkins, Gabriel Peters-Lazaro,  and Sangita Shresthova)  is already out in the world, where-as the second, Practicing Futures: A Civic Imagination Action Handbook (Gabriel Peters-Lazaro and Sangita Shresthova), will be released late spring-early summer.

Popular Culture and the Civic Imagination offers 30 short essays documenting a diverse set of social movements and their relationship to popular culture. The book starts with an extensive theoretical overview backgrounding the concept of the civic imagination. Here’s a few brief excerpts that may help you to better understand the core concepts:

Through the diverse cases represented in this collection, we model the different functions that the civic imagination performs. For the moment, we define civic imagination as the capacity to imagine alternatives to current cultural, social, political, or economic conditions; one cannot change the world without imagining what a better world might look like. Beyond that, the civic imagination requires and is realized through the ability to imagine the process of change, to see one’s self as a civic agent capable of making change, to feel solidarity with others whose perspectives and experiences are different than one’s own, to join a larger collective with shared interests, and to bring imaginative dimensions to  real world spaces and places. Research on the civic imagination explores the political consequences of cultural representations and the cultural roots of political participation. This definition consolidates ideas from various accounts of the public imagination, the political imagination, the radical imagination, the pragmatic imagination, creative insurgency or public fantasy. In some cases, the civic imagination is grounded in beliefs about how the system actually works, but we have a more expansive understanding stressing the capacity to imagine alternatives, even if those alternatives tap the fantastic. Too often, focusing on contemporary problems makes it impossible to see beyond immediate constraints. This tunnel vision perpetuates the status quo, and innovative voices —especially those from the margins — are shot down before they can be heard.

When USC’s Media, Activism, and Participatory Politics (MAPP) research group interviewed more than 200 young activists for our 2016 book, By Any Media Necessary: The New Youth Activism, many felt the language of American politics was broken: it was, on the one hand, exclusive in that policy wonk rhetoric was opaque to first-time voters and repulsive in that partisan bickering displaced problem solving and consensus building (Jenkins, Shresthova et al, 2016). These young leaders wanted to address their generation on its own terms. Activists around the world were appropriating and remixing popular culture to fuel their social movements. This discovery informed our own thinking about the civic imagination. This collection’s three editors lead the Civic Imagination Project, funded by the MacArthur Foundation. Many contributors are members of our University of Southern California-based Civic Paths research group or of our expanded research network. Our project conducts workshops across the United States and around the world designed to harness the power of the civic imagination as a tool for bridge building and problem solving. Our conceptual work here is coupled with efforts to test, strengthen and expand these ideas through practice….

Like Peter Dahlgren (2009), we feel the term “civic” carries “the implication of engagement in public life—a cornerstone of democracy.” The Civic for Dahlgren always has an affective and imaginative dimension: “The looseness, openendedness of everyday talk, its creativity, its potential for empathy and affective elements, are indispensable resources and preconditions for the vitality of democratic politics” (90). As Dahlgren further specifies, the term civic is also connected to the pursuit of a “public good” as “precondition” for other forms of political engagement. Eric Gordon and Paul Mihailidis (2016, 2) expand on Dahlgren’s notion, observing that “while the concept of ‘common good’ is deeply subjective” the term “invoke[s] the good of the commons, or action taken that benefit a public outside the actor’s intimate sphere”. The civic supports community connections towards shared goals. Dahlgren’s (2003, 139) civic culture circuit model is composed of six dimensions: shared values, affinity, knowledge and competencies, practices, identities and discussion.  Neta Kligler-Vilenchik’s account of the Harry Potter Alliance illustrates how each of Dahlgren’s dimensions are built into this oft-cited example of fan activism (Jenkins, Shresthova et al, 2016), exploring how the group mobilizes youth around a shared fan interest (affinity), tapping fan skills to mobilize politically (knowledge and competencies), creating a shared identity around being imaginative, socially caring beings, building in supports for engaged discussion of social issues, and translating this new civic knowledge into a shared set of practices. We are building here on what was perhaps her study’s most controversial aspect —the idea that fantasies about wizards and magic might inspire real world social action, seeing popular culture as a provocation for civic engagement rather than as escapism. Let’s be clear that there is always a political dimension to culture and our definition of the civic contains a heavy cultural component, but we  are interested  in the ways cultural practices and materials are deployed towards overtly political ends, whether by established institutions or grassroots movements….

Many changemakers maintain a passionate relationship with popular culture, using that cultural vocabulary to broker relations across different political groups. Indigenous peoples are tapping Avatar to dramatize their struggles (Brough and Shresthova, 2012). Hunger Games’ three finger salute is being deployed by  resistance movements in Thailand and Hong Kong. Media makers  in the Muslim world and Russia are developing their own superheroes to reflect their own social mission (Jenkins, forthcoming). In her report, Spoiler Alert: How Progressives Will Break Through With Popular Culture, Tracy Van Slyke (2014) sums up the logic: “Pop culture has power. We can either ignore it, letting dominant narratives as well as millions of people who interact and are influenced by popular culture slide by, or we can figure out how to double down and invest in the people, strategies, products, and experiences that will transport our stories and values into mainstream narratives” (15). Michael Saler (2012) has coined the term, “public sphere of the imagination,” to describe the communities that form around popular narratives, spaces where discussions about hopes and fears are staged, often outside of partisan frameworks, one step removed from real world constraints. Not simply escapism, such discussions work through real world issues that participants might not be able to confront through other means.

If anything, I feel an even more urgent need to develop a more robust civic imagination today than when we first wrote these words. The conversations we had here last fall concerning ‘Participatory Politics in a Time of Crisis’ demonstrated the struggles to revitalize democracy which seems in crisis everywhere we look. Every day, we hear more about a lack of “empathy” and “vision” in public life. How might we achieve it? Our research group has been exploring ways that we might revitalize civic imagination and democratic participation at the grassroots level. Over the past few years, we have developed and field tested a series of six workshops through engagements with faith-based organizations, civic groups, educational communities, across the United States and around the world. Practicing Futures provides resources that other civic and educational leaders can use to engage their social circles towards greater reflection on their shared goals and aspirations.  The following is extracted from the foreword I wrote for the book:

Practicing Futures: a Civic Imagination Action Handbook can be understood as a workbook for people who want to help rebuild the civic infrastructure of American democracy, who are interested in how they might do democracy at the local level within their own community. It describes ways communities might come together to consider alternatives to current conditions, to imagine what a better future might look like, and to build worlds together that help them to articulate shared values, hopes, and dreams. Through these workshops, we often find the common ground that so often seems missing in more partisan political discussions. We rediscover social bonds, because we are taking a step sideways from the immediate problems and playing with possibilities together. Imagine that.

A tradition of academic writing has spoken about “imagined communities”: the term comes from Benedict Anderson (1983) but he captures something which is widely recognized -- the ways a group of people too large to know each other directly perceives each other’s presence, feels connected with each other, and comes to share a common history, identity, and vision for the future.  Anderson’s “imagined” is framed in the past tense, as if what links a group of people together to form, in his case, a nation-state is something which happened a long time ago, something we inherit from generations that preceded us. Often, the images we use to depict democracy -- the Spirit of 1776 or Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms, to cite two examples -- are images that evoke a sense of tradition, rooting democracy in the past, rather than as a living tradition. Yet, over time, those old symbols of shared identities and experiences wear out, they become stale as we see them used in far too many President’s Day themed advertisements -- they become “talk-democracy”. We stop listening as leaders talk down and talk past us with empty phrases and dead metaphors.

The work of the Civic Imagination Project embraces a different concept -- that of the imagining community which is actively generating new cultural symbols to describe their relationship with each other. Imagination is seen not as a product or a possession (not a fixed identity or predetermined set of contents). Rather, we talk about imagining as a process. Imagination is not something we consume or inherit but something we actively produce together, something we do. We can watch imagining happen; we can hear the voices of people engaged in acts of imagining. We are in the room where it happens…. This book describes some of the processes and practices which help free us to imagine together.

For those who have been on the front lines, making change happen on the ground, all of this talk of “imagining” together may seem loosy-goosy and frankly, beside the point. They want us to do, do, do, because the problems are too immediate, the stakes too high, the resources (chief among them time and energy) are too limited. Imagining, we are sometimes told, is a distraction -- mere escapism.  The civic imagination may seem all talk and no action. Yet, the work of freeing the imagination is transformative, it paves the way for meaningful action, it opens a space where those who have not yet committed to a specific agenda can work through options together, it allows otherwise opposing groups to find a path forward together.

Social Activist Naomi Klein (2017)  has written about her own experiences of sitting in a room with people of diverse backgrounds and concerns, groups that are often set apart and pitted against each other as they fight to be heard amongst the many distractions of a media saturated environment: “We had come together to figure out what connects the crises facing us, and to try to chart a holistic vision for the future...We also had come together out of a belief that overcoming these divisions -- finding and strengthening the threads that run through the various issues and movements -- is our most pressing task…. Our goal, and it wasn’t modest, was to map not just the world we don’t want but the one we want instead.” (232-233)  We embrace these same goals through our workshops, whatever groups we are working within and across.

Frankly, we have more work to do in terms of creating truly inclusive spaces around these workshops, tending to operate so far in relation with pre-existing communities with shared histories and beliefs, rather than seeking to bridge differences in the radical and transformative way Klein describes.  As a research team, we are actively seeking out and talking with diverse groups but we have not yet brought truly diverse people  into the room at the same time. But, then, that is the struggle of the current decade -- to overcome histories of discrimination and exclusion, to learn to listen to a broader range of voices, to bring more diverse perspectives to the table. Putnam’s bowling leagues were never as inclusive as our nostalgic celebration of the past might lead us to imagine, and we need to figure out ways to define communities other than through acts of exclusion.

We are not going to get past such problems if we can not learn to talk across our differences. Such exchanges will push us beyond empty talk about “civility” or “political correctness,” because they will proceed on the basis of shared understandings and trust. Sometimes, these conversations will be difficult, they require those who have felt left out to call out that history and question its logic, and some people -- perhaps many -- will get upset in the process. But we can only proceed when we start with a commitment to work through this together, to stick it out through the discomfort in hopes of getting to the other side. And even when these discussions are not as inclusive as we might hope, they do important work in our efforts to build a more just society. As Dahlgren (2009) discusses in relation to the notion of counter-publics, “To work out counterprojects...often requires some kind of temporary public withdrawal, an internal working through among like-minded citizens….Attaining new values, defining new needs, and developing new social visions is difficult to attain via consensus-oriented conversation, with universalists assumptions.” (90) So, there are times when a smaller, more homogeneous group needs to take stock of where it stands and what it will stand for, just as there are also times when the boundaries of the community need to broaden to incorporate a larger, more diverse mix of participants.

Sangita Shresthova and Gabriel Peters-Lazaro are the authors and architects of the approach described in this book, an approach which has emerged from our research together but which they have taken into the field and refined in partnership with a broad array of stakeholders. Over the past few years, as the principal investigator for the Civic Imagination Project, I have had a chance to observe these techniques in practice, as our research team has tested this approach in communities across America and around the world. We have conducted these workshops with participants ranging in age from middle schoolers to senior citizens, in labor halls and mosques, with policy makers and journalists, students and congregants, all of whom have things they wanted to share with us and especially with each other. I have seen what happens when you bring a group of people together in a room to share stories of memorable objects, to build a world, to create narratives that anticipate touch points in the process of social change, to remix favorite stories, or to reimagine their identities, their communities, and their surrounding environment. I have seen these playful tasks sparking social integration, breaking down suspicions, strengthening social bonds, and sparking fellowship and laughter. Agenda setting and mobilization planning can follow, building on the spirit of good will and trust these workshops generate.

Imagining together can yield unexpected insights as we discover common ground that we might previously never have anticipated. I was surprised when a room full of Arab educators and journalists, dressed in traditional garb, announced their desire for a world where no one -- not the government or their neighbors -- polices their religious beliefs and practices. I have struggled to understand how a group of former coal miners and tobacco farmers from Kentucky might simultaneously embrace the need for single payer health care and still vote for leaders dead set against such policies in part because they did not trust any of the social institutions powerful enough to deliver the kind of medical insurance they desired. I have been touched when my graduate students reported back on a session with low income middle school kids from Los Angeles whose vision of the future included many things taken for granted today by more affluent people living in their city or that a child begged for a world where there were no “bad drugs.”  I have listened to faculty and students of a Swedish university describe their desire for a better health care system having already achieved universal access but not necessarily the quality of communication between doctors and patients that maintained human dignity. And perhaps most profoundly, I have seen how the acts of imagining frees so many to think beyond current impasses. Through this process, some of the common tropes of fantasy or science fiction take on new meaning: magic often becomes a metaphor for power, the teleportation system in Star Trek helps Americans think about their carbon footprint, Europeans imagine more efficient means of moving across their Union, and Arabs express their fears of the risks refugees face in traveling to other parts of the world. A world which possesses teletransportation is also a world without border police or fixed boundaries: a world where anyone can beam anywhere at any time without having to show their papers. Sometimes the fantastic allows us to speak about realities too painful to confront otherwise or to imagine possibilities too wonderful to imagine possible.

Sangita Shresthova joined us for my podcast, How Do You Like It So Far?, to discuss the books and what we’ve been discovering as we have brainstormed possible futures with people around the world [Link to: ] .

This week, I want to celebrate the many current and former students who have contributed to these books through the work of the Civic Paths research group. Each week, some 10-15 PhD students from the Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism and other parts of the University of Southern California gather informally to share research insights and contribute to our ongoing activities. Some 15 of those students contributed essays to Popular Culture and the Civic Imagination. We read through and critiqued each other’s work. They helped us identify and respond to contributors. They were included in every step of the process of the book’s development. And now, through the blog, we are featuring conversations amongst some of the current members of the research team, many of whom came onboard too late to be included in the book themselves, but who are still helping push forward our thinking about civic imagination, testing it through both case studies and workshops. We will end this series with an update by Sangita Shresthova about where our research is taking us next.

We thank the fine folks at the Catherine T. and John D. MacArthur Foundation for their ongoing support of the Civic Imagination Project.

Remembering UK Comics: Series Index

REMEMBERING UK COMICS

Edited and curated by William Proctor and Julia Round

As editors on the ‘Remembering UK Comics’ series, we are both delighted with the generous wealth of material that contributors provided. Thanks to each and every one of you for keeping British Comics history alive and in rude health. As the series has closed, we thought it would be productive to share the full contents of the series with easy to access links to each of the essays, interviews and discussions. To British comics studies scholars, and comics readers in general, we know that we have barely scratched the surface with the series, but our first and only mission was to spread the word to those who may not know much about the rich, varied, and generically broad landscape that British comics inhabited for over a century, so we must also thank Henry Jenkins for being so keen on the idea, and for handing us the keys to Confessions of an Aca-Fan for the best part of three months or so. We hope you enjoy the series as much we have had in curating it.

Thanks to each of our contributors: Mel Gibson, Roger Sabin, Michael Connerty, Joan Ormrod, Dona Pursall, Dave Miller, Adam Twycross, Martin Barker, Andrew Edwards, Olivia Hicks, Zu Dominiak, John Caro, Chris Murray, David Huxley, Maggie Gray, James Chapman, and Will Brooker.

For scholars interested in learning more about British Comics History, the BBC ran a three-part documentary in 2008 titled Comics Britannia. The second part is difficult to track down, but here are links to the first and third parts:

Comics Britannia (Part 1, ‘The Fun Factory’)

Comics Britannia (Part 3, ‘X-rated, Anarchy in the UK’)

Contents

1.  Remembering UK Comics: A Conversation with William Proctor and Julia Round

Part 1

Part 2

2. Comics, Childhood and Memory: An Autobiography

Mel Gibson

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

3. Misty and the Horrible History of British Comics

Julia Round

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

4.  The Early Development of the Comic Strip in the UK

Roger Sabin and Michael Connerty

Part 1

Part 2

5.  Promoting Tommy Steel Through 1950s UK Comics

Joan Ormrod

Part 1

Part 2

6. On The Beano: Naughty National Icons and a History of Misbehaviour

Dona Pursall

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

7. The Beano’s Lord Snooty

Dave Miller

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

Part 4

8. More than Mere Ornament: Reclaiming Jane

Adam Twycross

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

Part 4

9. An Interview with Martin Barker

Part 1

Part 2

10. Less is More: Alan Moore’s 2000AD Short Stories

Andrew Edwards

Part 1

Part 2

11. Super-Cats and Fantasta-Cats

Olivia Hicks and Zu Dominiak

One-Shot

12. Celebrating Action: The Comic of the Streets

John Caro

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

13. Tracing Scottish Comics History

Chris Murray

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

14. Adventures Underground—UK Underground Comix (1969-1982): A Memoir

David Huxley

Part 1

Part 2

15.  UK Underground Comix: Ar:Zak, the Birmingham Arts Lab, and Street Comix #4

Maggie Gray

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

16. British Comics Go to the Movies

James Chapman

Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

17..  Crisis on Inbetween Earths

Will Brooker

Part 1

Part 2

18. Preserving British Comics: A Call to Arms!

Julia Round and Chris Murray

One-Shot

Dr William Proctor is Principal Lecturer in Film & Transmedia at Bournemouth University, UK. He has published widely on various topics related to popular culture, including Batman. James Bond, Stephen King, Star Wars and more. William is a leading expert on franchise reboots, and is currently writing his debut monograph, Reboot Culture: Comics, Film, Transmedia (forthcoming, Palgrave). He is the co-editor of Global Convergence Cultures: Transmedia Earth (with Matthew Freeman, Routledge 2018), and Disney’s Star Wars: Forces of Promotion, Production, and Reception (with Richard McCulloch, University of Iowa Press 2019).

Dr Julia Round is a Principal Lecturer in the Faculty of Media and Communication at Bournemouth University, UK. She is one of the editors of Studies in Comics journal (Intellect Books) and a co-organiser of the annual International Graphic Novel and Comics Conference (IGNCC). Her first book was Gothic in Comics and Graphic Novels (McFarland, 2014), followed by the edited collection Real Lives, Celebrity Stories (Bloomsbury, 2014). In 2015 she received the Inge Award for Comics Scholarship for her research, which focuses on Gothic, comics, and children’s literature. She has recently completed two AHRC-funded studies examining how digital transformations affect young people's reading. Her new book Misty and Gothic for Girls in British Comics (forthcoming from UP Mississippi, 2019) examines the presence of Gothic themes and aesthetics in children’s comics, and is accompanied by a searchable database of all the stories (with summaries, previously unknown creator credits, and origins), available at her website www.juliaround.com.

Politics and Cumbia in Chile: Participatory Culture for Democracy (2 of 2) Felipe Valenzuela

Source: Villa Cariño archive

Max Vivar, leader of the cumbia band Villa Cariño

How is the relationship between the band and the hinchada?

We have always approached the folks of “Locura Villana” and other communities around the band to make them feel that they are not a fanclub or a hinchada, that they are an autonomous collective that accompanies the band, that has rights and power, and that the band has an obligation towards them. There is an explicit search for reciprocity in our relationship. They support us, but we support them as well. We are not only a cumbia band, we also try to spread a political message. And they are actively involved in that dimension as well.

In which ways?

For instance, we regularly play in the “Vivas Voces” festival, that is organized by Human Rights organizations. In those concerts, the hinchada manufactures special flags and banners with political messages such as “Truth and Justice”, “Don’t forget nor forgive”, “Memory”, etc. And beyond that, they are totally aware of the political struggle behind this concert. And nowadays, in the context of the social movement, they have organized their own public groups of discussion to think about the writing of the new constitution.

We have also had very rich conversations about the different views regarding the situation in Venezuela or other contingent political topics for us.

Another example: we were recently invited to play in a festival that was organized to celebrate the social uprising, celebrating that “Chile had woken up”. It was free, but the organizers would make money by selling food and drinks inside. The hinchada approached us to tell us that they thought it was inappropriate to be part of this party, in the midst of brutal aggression by the police to the people and active violation of human rights by the government. We immediately agreed and declined to participate in the festival.

So they have a political view that goes beyond musical affinity.

So there is a more horizontal relationship that the usual between a band and their fan base?

Yes, we aim to break that relation of exploitation that some artists have with their public. We are concerned in Villa Cariño to avoid creating those kind of relationships. There is of course, some innate verticality to the relationship. After all there is someone who is leading the band, or writing and composing the songs, or producing the concerts, but there is a disposition from both sides to construct a more horizontal relationship.

How do you see that this affects their own identity as more than a fanclub, as a more political community?

I usually tell them “you are more than a hinchada”, you are a collective, you could have your own internal organization and debates about topics that go beyond music. And they have done so. For the last presidential election, I was very involved in campaigning for one of the candidates. And they would ask me who should they vote for. Instead of telling them who to vote for, I would explain the differences between the candidates. I could see that many of the new people that were getting into the hinchada would see the political messages in our lyrics and got interested in learning more about history and politics. Our song “De Política, Amor y Revolución” (Of Politics, Love and Revolution), for example is the story of a Chilean political activist that was disappeared during Pinochet’s dictatorship. And it is a younger generation that is connecting with these topics. In this way, the members of the community get away from the idea of being a ‘fan’ or a ‘soldier’ of the band, and embrace the idea of being part of a collective and having a responsibility of representing the deeper, political message that is related to the band.

And how do you see your role, politically, as the leader of this band and as an important figure for this community?
Well, I wouldn’t be a musician if I didn’t believe in art as a political tool capable of transforming the world. As a band, we mostly made romantic lyrics, which is the traditional type of song in the cumbia genre. But in every record we would include one or two songs with a clear political message. On the way, we decided that we could not solely work to produce hits for the radio, but we needed to be an instrument for struggle and social change. This also led to a deeper conversation within the band members of our own political positions. So, in these days of social uprise, the band as a whole has a clear notion of our responsibility to be on the side of the social movements, supporting in every way we can. This same phenomenon happens inside the hinchada. And as they understand the political significance of what is going on, they give us tremendously valuable feedback, even suggesting song themes to write about.

Which shows the type of relationship you have constructed..

Exactly. They don’t demand things from us, but they acknowledge the trust and familiarity we have, that allows these type of exchanges. They feel that they have a space within the band, and they truly have it.

There is a caricature of the fan that is real. The fan that idolizes the band members and that might develop a sort of childish love/hate relationship with the band. We have worked to develop a different type of relationship, between one collective, which is the band, and another collective, which is a group of followers that have decided to commit not only with the music of the band, but with the political discourse as well.

Now, I’m sure there is a mix of both types of followers, right? You must have some fans that resemble the caricature you described

For sure. “You were cooler before, now I don’t like you anymore”, or “You have betrayed the original sound of the band” and the classic haters on social media. We are not free from that. And sometimes in person, fans come to me to voice their frustration or disagreement with the musical decisions we have taken as a band. And I believe that my role there is to keep quiet and listen to them. We compose and perform the music, but once it is out there, it’s no longer ours, it belongs to the people. Sometimes it’s hard to fathom how important this music becomes to some people. I could decide one day to leave the band and start a new project, but for some people, the music that we have made has a degree of importance that is deeply attached to their lives and identities. And that is sometimes expressed by the fans as frustration or anger. Another fan sent me a letter to let me know that his psychiatrist told him to listen regularly to the band, as part of the therapy to prevent him from trying to kill himself, after a failed attempt. Or another fan, contacted me through Instagram saying “Max, I fucked up with my girlfriend, could you help me fix it?” And I was thinking that I can’t even fix those problems in my life, but you feel compelled to try and help.

So the community around the band has a special relevance to your project

Yes. I am more interested in the community that gathers around the band that the sole endeavour of composing songs and selling concert tickets. I am interested in understanding them, in communicating with them. That is why is important for us to be part of the community and not only looking at the public from the stage.

Has the relationship with the hinchada changed since the Estallido Social in Chile?

Yes it has. At first we played a lot less, because many concerts and festivals were cancelled. And the moment we usually had to get together was around concerts, either before or after we would have get together and chat. Happily, we have seen them participating in the political rallies we have been part of. And even more beautiful, we have seen that different fan communities, from different cumbia bands have started organizing and marching together. In any case, we feel the need to see them more, they are support for us, and is important for us to keep the contact, to make sense of what is happening in Chile right now.

Felipe Valenzuela is a Chilean Journalist, currently studying a Master in Global Communication at USC. He was Associate Professor in the Universidad Católica de Chile and is currently researching how technology affects the media and political systems in Latin America, as well as the ways that different communities are adapting to these changes. 

Politics and Cumbia in Chile: Participatory Culture for Democracy (1 of 2) Felipe Valenzuela

What is going on in Chile?

Chile has been in a state of civil unrest since the end of October of 2019. This situation, now generally referred to as “El Estallido” (The Explosion) is focused on a demand for dignity, autonomy and equality, which are elements that are present in other protest movements around the world such as Hong Kong, Catalonia and Lebanon. The Chilean Government Coalition has recently conceded to start a process that will create a new Constitution, replacing the one currently in use, written during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship. This opens many challenges for the Chilean people. One of them has to do with finding new ways of social organization, outside traditional political parties and traditional democratic institutions, which are at an all-time low in trust of the population. Looking at the way that massively popular music bands serve as a hub for participatory communities that see politics and music as connected issues, might shed some light on the paths that can be followed to overcome this challenge. These already built social networks, if better understood, could be drawn upon to foster participation and enrich the democratic process for writing a new constitution, further demonstrating the power that participatory culture can have in relation with political activism.

Although much is still being debated about the meaning and reach of the ongoing protests that have shocked Chile, there is broad agreement that some of the common issues that fuel the social movements are inequality, abuses and unfair privileges. There appears to be a general complain against the individualistic, neoliberal structure and a call for the reconstruction of local-based communities.

source: www.elsiglo.cl

Political affiliation in Chile has been steadily decreasing since the end of the dictatorship, by the end of the 80’s. Currently, less than a quarter of the population claims to be identified with any party of the political system. In addition, trust in democratic institutions has plummeted in the last 5 years, after a series of corruption scandals. The President’s approval is around 6%, only 3% of the population trusts Congress and Political Parties approval is even lower, below the margin of error of the most reliable surveys. These are symptoms of an unhealthy democracy, where the political elite is seen as distanced from the people’s needs and the political system as a whole is perceived as being in the service of a small group of privileged people. In this context, existing active organisations such as fan communities, might play a crucial role in helping with the recovery of Chile’s debilitated democracy and facing the challenge of writing a new constitution.

Cumbia Fandom

The cumbia musical genre was originated in african slave communities in Colombia during the 17th century. Besides the strong African roots, it blends Native American and European influences. Nowadays it is massively popular all over Latin America, from Mexico to Chile. Traditionally, the content of cumbia songs have dealt with romance and love affairs, seldom addressing political issues directly. The Chilean band “Villa Cariño” is one of the most popular in the country, being known for their big and organized fan base. In addition, the leader of the band is highly active politically, having participated in electoral campaigns and including explicit political messages in his lyrics.

source: Locura Villana archive

Fan communities around new cumbia bands, call themselves hinchadas, taking the word that is used in football to describe a group of hinchas (fans). Despite the fact that most members of the hinchada “Locura Villana” are women, the community has embraced this symbolic repertoire from the football fandom, that is traditionally masculine, and explicitly worked to differentiate themselves from other fan communities, made particular emphasis on the traits that could be considered more emotional, feminine or related to the idea of groupies.

Rodrigo Urra, founder of the hinchada Locura Villana

How did your relation with Villa Cariño begin?

I have listened to the band for over 7 years now. And after going to many concerts, you start to see familiar faces. And those faces become acquaintances, and later friends. That is the genesis of our hinchada, Locura Villana, which we founded 2 years ago. 

How is your relationship with other fan clubs of the band?

There are a couple more communities and we have had some troubles in the past, but we get along well. We don’t call ourselves fan club, though. We are not groupies (laughs). 

What do you call yourselves, then?

We are an hinchada cumbiera, which is similar to what happens with football fans. Fanclubs consist of groupies that idolize the band members, and are constantly trying to take selfies with their idols, and are in some way in love with them. A hinchada cumbiera is not like that. We feel part of the band, but in the concerts we are not in the first line. We go to the cheaper seats, with flags and shirts, just like the supporters of a football team. We go to support the band during the concert so that they feel like they are playing as locals. 

And you don’t have such an emotional bond with the band members, you are not ‘in love’ with them, as you say...

Yes, but nonetheless, we get together with the band every time we go to a concert. We support each other, we hug, we talk a lot. There is a strong bond between us and the members of the band. 

How do you coordinate and communicate within the hinchada?

We mainly do it via Whatsapp. We don’t have formal leaders, although some of us are more active, or have been in the hinchada for longer and are, therefore, recognized by most of the group. People like Carlos Araya, Emily Llancafil, Karina Salinas and me are always involved and travelling across Chile to follow the band, but from the start we dismissed the idea of having a vertical hierarchy. So we inform via Whatsapp of the activities and people volunteer to take on different responsibilities.  

Do you do other activities besides the ones that revolve around the band?

Sure. We have social activities that have to do with working with our local communities. We have worked repairing public spaces such as playgrounds or town squares, we also organize regular activities to help bring warm food to homeless people. We talk with the neighbors and transform some abandoned public place into playground and name them “Plaza Villa Cariño” or “Plaza Locura Villana”.  

Has the recent social uprising changed your agenda of activities?

Well, we were marching long before the Estallido took place, to be honest. We would regularly march with the band, every Friday, in support of the organization of relatives of disappeared people by the dictatorship. We have participated in many of the main social protests of the last few years. This situation is, of course, bigger than anything we have seen before. So the hinchada has been put in service of the social movement, to help transmit information, help people and organize open talks to understand the situation and think about the writing of the new constitution. 

Do you feel that your relationship with the band has changed?

Well, we see each other less, but we are as close as ever. There was a concert/party a couple of weeks ago to which Villa Cariño was invited. We discussed it in our group and decided not to participate, because of the serious violations to Human Rights that were happening in Chile, we thought that it would be inappropriate to organize a party. We got in touch with the band, told them our point of view, and the band decided to decline the invitation.  

Felipe Valenzuela is a Chilean Journalist, currently studying a Master in Global Communication at USC. He was Associate Professor in the Universidad Católica de Chile and is currently researching how technology affects the media and political systems in Latin America, as well as the ways that different communities are adapting to these changes. 

Política y cumbia en Chile: Cultura Participativa al servicio de la democracia (2 of 2) by Felipe Valenzuela

fuente: archivo de Villa Cariño

Max Vivar, líder de la banda de cumbia Villa Cariño

¿Cómo es la relación entra la banda y la hinchada?

Siempre nos hemos acercado a nuestros compañeros y compañeras de “Locura Villana” o de los “Villanos Freestyle” y les hemos hecho sentir que ellos no son una hinchada, que ellos son un colectivo que nos acompaña y que tienen pleno derecho de sentir que la banda debe responderle en ciertas cosas, que si ellos nos apoyan, nosotros también tenemos un deber de apoyarlos a ellos. Hay una búsqueda explícita de reciprocidad en nuestra relación. Y nosotros no somos solo un grupo de cumbia, también tratamos de difundir un mensaje político. Y ellos también se involucran activamente en esa dimensión.

¿De qué maneras?

Por ejemplo, nosotros tocamos siempre en el festival “Vivas Voces”, que es organizado por agrupaciones de derechos humanos. En esos concierto, las hinchadas hacen lienzos y banderas especiales con mensajes como “Verdad y justicia”, “Ni perdón ni olvido”, “Memoria”, etc. Y además de eso, está súper claros con la lucha política que está detrás de este tipo de eventos. Hoy en día, en el contexto de las movilizaciones sociales, incluso han organizado sus propios cabildos para discutir sobre la nueva Constitución. También hemos tenido conversaciones muy ricas sobre las diferentes miradas sobre lo que ocurre en Venezuela y otros temas de la contingencia política que para nosotros son importantes.

Otro ejemplo: hace poco nos invitaron a tocar en un festival que se estaba organizando para celebrar el Estallido Social, celebrar que “Chile Despertó”. Era gratis, pero los organizadores iban a vender comida y alcohol para ganar plata. La hinchada se nos acercó y nos dijo que les parecía inapropiado hacerse parte de esta fiesta, en el medio de las agresiones brutales de la policía contra los manifestantes y de las violaciones activas a los derechos humanos del Gobierno. Nosotros inmediatamente les encontramos razón y decidimos restarnos del festival. Entonces, lo que te quiero decir, es que ellos tienen posturas políticas que van más allá de la pura afinidad musical.

Y además hay una relación más horizontal que la que normalmente se ve entre una banda y sus seguidores…

Sí, nosotros tratamos de romper ese aprovechamiento de poder que a veces tienen los artistas en relación a su público. En Villa Cariño estamos muy preocupados de evitar crear ese tipo de relaciones. Hay, por supuesto, algún grado de verticalidad, porque hay alguien que compone las canciones, que está arriba del escenario, que produce los conciertos… pero hay una disposición desde ambo lados a construir una relación más horizontal.

¿Cómo ves que esto afecta la identidad de la hinchada, como una comunidad política?

Yo por lo general les digo “ustedes son más que una hinchada”, ustedes son un colectivo, podrían tener su propia organización interna y debatir sobre asuntos que van más allá de la música. Y ellos lo han hecho. Para la última elección presidencial, yo estuve muy metido haciendo campaña por una de las candidatas. Y ellos se me acercaban preguntando por quién votar. En vez de decirle por quién votar, yo les trataba de explicar las propuestas que tenía mi candidata y las diferencias que veía con las otras candidaturas. Y muchas de las personas más jóvenes que se incorporaban en la hinchada, entendían el contenido político de nuestras canciones y se motivaban con conocer más de historia y política. Nuestra canción “De política, amor y revolución”, por ejemplo, es la historia de una detenida desaparecida en dictadura. Y uno ve como hay una generación más joven que se empieza a conectar con estos temas. Entonces, los compañeros de las comunidades se alejan de la idea de ser un “fan” o un “soldado” de la banda, y se acercan a la idea de ser parte de un colectivo, y tener la responsabilidad de representar el contenido político más profundo, que también tiene que ver con Villa Cariño. 

¿Cómo ves ese rol político tuyo, como líder de esta banda y como una figura importante para esas comunidades?

Bueno, yo no sería músico si no creyera que el arte es una herramienta política capaz de transformar el mundo. Como grupo, hacíamos principalmente canciones románticas, que son las canciones tradicionales de cumbia. Pero en cada disco incluíamos una o dos canciones con contenido directamente político. En el camino, fuimos decidiendo que no podíamos solo trabajar para hacer hits para la radio, sino que necesitábamos ser un instrumento en función de las luchas sociales. Esto nos llevó a una conversación mucho más profunda entre los miembros de la banda para definir nuestra propias visiones políticas. Y así, en estos días de movilización social, la banda en su conjunto tiene clara su responsabilidad, de estar del lado de los movimientos sociales, ayudando de todas las maneras que podamos. Y lo mismo pasa al interior de las hinchada. Ellos entienden la relevancia política de lo que está pasando y nos dan un feedback que para nosotros es tremendamente valioso, incluso sugiriendo temas para las canciones.

Lo que muestra también el tipo de relación que han construido…

Exactamente. No nos exigen cosas, pero reconocen que hay una confianza y una cercanía que permite este tipo de conversaciones. Yo creo que sienten que tiene un espacio dentro de la banda, y yo creo que es así.

Y es que hay una caricatura del fan que es real. Ese fan que idolatra a los miembro de la banda y que desarrolla una especie de relación infantil de amor y odio. Nosotros hemos trabajado para construir otro tipo de relación, entre un colectivo, que es la banda, y otro colectivo, que es el grupo de seguidores que han decidido comprometerse no solo con la música sino también con el proyecto político.

Seguro que ustedes conviven con una mezcla de ambos tipos de seguidores, ¿no? Deben tener seguidores que se parecen a esa caricatura que acabas de mencionar

Sí, claro que hay. “Me gustaba más antes, ya no me gustan”, o “Traicionaron el sonido original de la banda” y los clásicos haters en redes sociales. No estamos libres de eso. Y a veces en persona, hay fans que se acercan para hacerte saber su frustración o desacuerdo con alguna decisión musical que tomamos en el grupo. Y yo creo que mi rol ahí es quedarme calladito y escuchar nomás. Nosotros componemos y tocamos la música, pero una vez que está afuera, ya no es nuestra, le pertenece a la gente. Yo podría decidir un día irme de la banda y empezar un proyecto nuevo, pero para algunas personas, la música que hemos hecho tiene un grado de importancia que está profundamente atado a sus vidas, a sus identidades. Y a veces eso se expresa como frustración o como rabia. Otro fan me mandó una carta para contarme que su psiquiatra le recomendó que escuchara nuestra música, como parte de su terapia para evitar pensamientos suicidas, después que trató de matarse. Otro fan me contactó por Instagram diciendo “Max, la cagué con mi novia, ¿me puedes ayudar a arreglarla?” Y yo pensaba que no puedo ni arreglar esos problema en mi propia vida, pero uno se siente comprometido a tratar y ayudar.

Entonces la comunidad que se ha formado alrededor de la banda es un elemento especialmente relevante para este proyecto

Sí. Yo estoy más interesado en la comunidad alrededor de la banda que en la pura mecánica de componer canciones y vender entradas para conciertos. Estoy interesado en entenderlos, en comunicarme con ellos. Por eso para nosotros es tan importante se parte de esas comunidades y no solo mirarlos desde el escenario.

¿Ha cambiado la relación con la hinchada desde el Estallido Social?

Sí, claro. Al principio tocamos mucho menos, porque cancelaron conciertos y festivales. Y el momento en el que por lo general nos juntamos era alrededor de los conciertos, antes o después nos juntábamos y conversábamos. Afortunadamente, nos hemos encontrado participando en marchas y encuentros. Y lo más bonito es que hemos visto a distintas comunidades de seguidores de otras bandas se han empezado a organizar y salen a marchar juntos.

Felipe Valenzuela is a Chilean Journalist, currently studying a Master in Global Communication at USC. He was Associate Professor in the Universidad Católica de Chile and is currently researching how technology affects the media and political systems in Latin America, as well as the ways that different communities are adapting to these changes. 

Política y cumbia en Chile: Cultura Participativa al servicio de la democracia (1 of 2) by Felipe Valenzuela

Felipe Valenzuela wrote the following paper as part of my Fandom, Participatory Culture, and Web 2.0 seminar last spring. You may recall that I was taking steps to bring issues of race and nationality front and center in the syllabus. Not surprisingly, many of the students wrote about fan cultures in the countries where they came from. Valenzuela wrote this front line perspective on ongoing protests in Chile and the role which popular musicians and their fans play in sparking political resistance. At his request, we are posting the essay in both English and Spanish so that it can be read in Latin America. We begin with the Spanish version (in two installments).

Política y cumbia en Chile: Cultura Participativa al servicio de la democracia

Felipe Valenzuela

¿Qué está pasando en Chile?

Chile ha ingresado a un estado de movilización social desde fines de Octubre de 2019. La movilización, generalizadamente referida como “El Estallido”, se enfoca en demandas por dignidad, autonomía e igualdad, todos elementos que se encuentran presentes en procesos similares alrededor del mundo como en Hong Kong, Cataluña y el Líbano. Hace unos meses, la coalición de Gobierno concedió iniciar un proceso para escribir una nueva Constitución, que reemplazará a la actualmente vigente, escrita durante la dictadura de Augusto Pinochet. Esto abre muchos desafíos para el pueblo de Chile. Uno de ellos tiene que ver con encontrar nuevas formas de organización social, por fuera de los partidos políticos y de las instituciones democráticas tradicionales, que se encuentran en un nivel de desaprobación histórico. Algunas de las pistas para enfrentar este desafío pueden encontrarse en las comunidades participativas que se forman alrededor de grupos de música popular, y que entienden la música, el baile, la fiesta, las marchas, la política y la protesta social como fenómenos conectados, parte de un mismo continuo. Entender mejor este tipo de comunidades puede ser un elemento valioso para enriquecer el proceso democrático que ya empezó en Chile para escribir una nueva Constitución, profundizando el conocimiento que ya existe sobre el poder que subyace en la mezcla de Culturas Participativas con activismo político.

Aunque aún se está debatiendo mucho sobre el significado y alcance de las movilizaciones de los últimos meses en Chile, hay un acuerdo generalizado de que algunas de las demandas transversales que empujan el malestar social son la desigualdad, los abusos y privilegios injustos. Pareciera, además, haber un rechazo a la cultura individualista que la estructura neoliberal ha generado, contraponiéndola con un llamado a reconstruir vínculos personales en comunidades locales.

source: www.elsiglo.cl

La afiliación política en Chile ha estado declinando sostenidamente desde el término de la dictadura, a fines de los 80. Actualmente, menos de un cuarto de la población reconoce sentirse identificada con algún partido político. Además, la confianza en las instituciones del sistema democrático ha caído drásticamente en los últimos cinco años, luego de una serie de escándalos de corrupción. La aprobación del Presidente está alrededor del 6%, solo un 3% de la población confía en el Congreso y la aprobación de los partidos políticos es aún más baja, por debajo del margen de error de las encuestas más reconocidas en el país. Todos estos son síntomas claros de una democracia poco saludable, donde la percepción mayoritaria es que la elite política está distanciada de las necesidades de la gente común y el sistema político en su conjunto es visto como un dispositivo al servicio de un pequeño grupo de privilegiados. En este contexto, las organizaciones ya existentes, que además cuentan con altos niveles de actividad y participación, como las comunidades de fans, pueden jugar un rol crucial para ayudar al mejoramiento de la debilitada democracia chilena. Especialmente enfrentada al desafío de escribir una nueva Constitución.

Cumbia Fandom

La cumbia, como género musical, comenzó en las comunidades esclavas de Colombia, durante el siglo XVII. Además de las raíces africanas, la cumbia incorpora influencias europeas y de los pueblos originarios americanos. Actualmente, este género es masivamente popular en toda Latinoamérica, desde México hasta Chile. Las canciones de cumbia, tradicionalmente, han girado en torno a historias de amor y romance, esporádicamente tocando temas de política contingente. El grupo chileno de cumbia “Villa Cariño” es uno de los más populares del país, conocidos, además, por tener una base numerosa y organizada de fans. Además, el líder y vocalista de la banda es políticamente muy activo, habiendo participado en campañas electorales e incluyendo mensajes políticos explícitos en sus canciones y presentaciones en vivo.

source: Locura Villana archive

En Chile, las comunidades de fans se hacen llamar hinchadas, tomando el concepto del mundo del fútbol. A pesar de que la mayoría de las personas que conforman la hinchada “Locura Villana” son mujeres, la comunidad ha asimilado este repertorio simbólico desde el fútbol, actividad tradicionalmente relacionada al género masculino. Los mismos integrantes de la hinchada reconocen que esta es una manera de diferenciarse de otro tipo de comunidades, en que el énfasis está puesto en aspectos más emocionales, vinculados al imaginario del groupie y tradicionalmente considerados rasgos femeninos.

Rodrigo Urra, fundador y miembro de la hinchada Locura Villana

¿Cómo empezó tu relación con Villa Cariño?

Llevo siguiendo a la banda por siete años ya. Y después de ir a varios conciertos, empiezas a reconocer las caras. Esas cara se vuelven conocidos y después se arman amistades. Así empezó nuestra hinchada, Locura Villana, que fundamos hace dos años.

¿Cómo es tu relación con otros fanclubs de Villa Cariño?

Hay un par más de comunidades con las que hemos tenido problemas en el pasado, pero ahora nos llevamos bien. Nosotros no le decimos fanclub, eso sí. No somos tan groupies (se ríe).

¿Cómo se hacen llamar, entonces?

Somos una hinchada cumbiera, que es parecido a lo que pasa con los clubes de fútbol. Los fanclubs son más de groupies que idolatran a los miembros de la banda, que todo el tiempo quieren sacarse selfies con sus ídolos, que, de alguna manera, están un poco enamorados de ellos. La hinchada cumbiera no es así. Nos sentimos parte de la banda, pero en los conciertos no estamos en primera fila. Vamos a la galería, en los asientos más baratos, con banderas, papel picado, lienzos, poleras. Igual que una hinchada de fútbol. Vamos a darle el aguante al grupo para que sientan que están tocando como locales.

Y el vínculo con la banda es menos emotivo, entonces. No están enamorados de ellos, como dices tú…

Claro, pero igual, a cada evento que vamos, después nos juntamos con los chiquillos [de la banda], nos abrazamos, nos damos las gracias, nos apoyamos mutuamente. Y ese vínculo a veces es mucho más fuerte que el de los que se ponen en primera fila.

¿Cómo se comunican y coordinan con los demás miembros de la hinchada?

Principalmente vía Whatsapp. No tenemos líderes. Algunos somos la cara más visible, porque llevamos más tiempo y vamos a todas la actividades. Gente como Carlos Araya, Emily Llancafil, Karina Salinas somos las caras visibles, pero desde el principio decidimos no tener cargos ni un jerarquía. Así que simplemente informamos a través del Whatsapp de las actividades que vamos a hacer y distintas personas se ofrecen para asumir las responsabilidades que toquen.

¿Realizan otro tipo de actividades además de las relacionadas con la banda?

Sí. Hacemos trabajo comunitario con nuestras comunidades locales. Hemos trabajado arreglando plazas y espacios públicos, también nos juntamos a compartir comida con gente en situación de calle. Hablamos con los vecinos y transformamos espacios que estaban abandonados en plazas y les ponemos “Plaza Villa Cariño” o “Plaza Locura Villana” y las apadrinamos.

¿El Estallido Social les ha modificado su agenda de actividades?

Bueno, nosotros estamos marchando desde mucho antes del Estallido. Todos los viernes marchamos con la banda y la Agrupación de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos. Y hemos estado en todas las marchas importantes de los últimos años. Lo que está pasando ahora, eso sí, es más grande que cualquier cosa que hayamos visto antes. Y como hinchada, nos hemos puesto a disposición del movimiento social, para ayuda a transmitir información, ayudar a personas y hemos organizado cabildos para conversar sobre la nueva Constitución.

¿Sientes que la relación con la banda ha cambiado?

Nos vemos menos, pero yo creo que estamos muy comunicados y con una relación súper cercana. Hace un tiempo atrás se organizó un concierto/fiesta e invitaron a Villa Cariño. Nosotros lo conversamos en la hinchada y decidimos que no íbamos a participar, porque sentíamos que no correspondía hacer una fiesta en medio de las violaciones a los derechos humanos que estaban ocurriendo en Chile. Nos contactamos con los cabros de la banda, les explicamos nuestra postura y ellos decidieron restarse del evento también.

Felipe Valenzuela is a Chilean Journalist, currently studying a Master in Global Communication at USC. He was Associate Professor in the Universidad Católica de Chile and is currently researching how technology affects the media and political systems in Latin America, as well as the ways that different communities are adapting to these changes. 

How Do You Like It So Far?: My Ten Favorite Episodes

How Do You Like It So Far?: My Ten Favorite Episodes

Two and a half years ago, Colin Maclay (the head of the Annenberg Innovation Lab) and I began to experiment with podcasting, seeking to tap our networks of contacts (fans, activists, journalists, critics, industry insiders, and academics) to provide some commentary on popular culture in a changing world.

We called it How Do You Like It So Far? as a provocation -- initially seeking comments on our experiment but later, asking us to reflect on the choices we are making about the nature of contemporary culture and politics. We’ve produced these podcasts using the facilities of the USC Annenberg School of Communication and Journalism and working with teams of student producers.

Our initial model had clusters of episodes focused on specific releases (Star Wars: The Last Jedi, Black Panther, Ready Player One) but we soon decided that we wanted to do a series of one-off episodes reflecting on a broader range of topics. Sometimes, we’ve done a cluster of related topics -- such as a series on the importance of getting more cultural critics of color or an ongoing focus on the nature of podcasting as a medium. Our most popular episodes have often dealt with popular culture outside the United States, reflecting the reality that we have a solid transnational listenership.

I wanted to take this occasion to celebrate, belatedly, our 50th episode, and to share with my blog readers some of my favorite episodes. I’ve restricted myself to ten which I felt reflect the range of what the podcast tries to do, but it’s painful to stop here since there’s so many great conversations that I did not include. My hope is that this list may entice you to try something and you will stick around for more.

Understanding Comics with Scott McCloud

This is the first of a series on comics, Here, McCloud, who has been a key figure in comics studies for almost three decades, takes us on an expert guided tour of the medium, its history, and how it is changing in response to shifts in technology, audience demographics, and industry practices. I will be honest: we geeked out a little on this one, but the conversation stays lively and accessible throughout.

The Great Eastern with Howard Rodman

Howard Rodman wrote an amazing book, which remixes Jules Verne and Herman Melville, This episode ended up a celebration of the late 19th century novel, but more than that, a reflection about the choices artists make about what to preserve from the past and which statues need to be knocked off their basel

Memes to Movements with An Xiao Mina

Memes are being deployed as a tool for political and cultural expression world-wide and this conversation took a global approach, comparing meme culture in China and the United States, discussing why cat memes are so popular and why goat memes are on the rise.

Radicalized with Cory Doctorow

Cory Doctorow is a science fiction writer, but he’s also a policy wonk, a new media activist, and a blogger. Be forewarned that this episode will make your head explode as his thoughts shoot out in all directions, starting with his recent collection of short stories, Radicalized.

Exploring the Dark Fantastic with Ebony Thomas

Ebony Thomas thinks about the stories we tell our children about race. She cares deeply about an imagination gap as some children enter worlds full of magic and others remain trapped in harsh realities. This episode is full of insights for parents and teachers, but also for writers and publishers, about the importance of fantasy and dreaming for all children.

Taking Risks: Comedy as a Tool for Social Justice

Caty Baroom Chattou and I met through the production of this episode, which we recorded in the basement of the Library of Congress. From her start working with Norman Lear to her recent partnership with Hasan Minaj, she shares her experience bringing comedians and activists together to think about how to use jokes to help change the world.

Critics of Color with Eric Deggans

This was the culmination of a series we recorded about the shortage of cultural critics of color to help interpret and advocate for the more diverse and inclusive mediascape we all hope to see. Eric Deggans, NPR’s television critic and fellow member of the Peabody jury, describes his role as a critic who has written about music and television and who has sometimes struggled with the ethics of when he should say bad things about minority artists.

Emily Andras, Mauren Ryan and Louisa Stein on Fans, Producers, and Queer Bating

This episode started with an email from a listener who wanted to weigh in about “queer baiting,” the practice of producers stringing along fans with promises of ships that are never going to arrive. To address her question, we pulled together a producer, a critic, and a academic, all of them fans, all of them passionate about the best way to build and sustain fan followings around cult programs.

Hye Jin Lee and Cristina Visperas on the Global Fandom of Hip Hop

More and more of my students are passionate about K-pop, and not simply those who come from Korea or its neighboring countries. Curious to learn more, Colin and I invited two of our USC colleagues who know a lot about this genre of music and the fan cultures that have grown up around it. This became one of the most popular episodes of the show ever.

Black Panther, Comics, and the History of Marvel

We invited comics critics Ramzi Fawaz and Rebecca Wanzo to come together and share their reflections on Black Panther, then newly released. The two barely stopped for breath as they reflected on what made this Marvel movie such a game-changer and how it fits within the larger history of the superhero genre.

Ahmed Best on Race and Star Wars

Our very first episode remains one of our favorites as Ahmed Best (the actor who played Jar Jar Binks) shares his thoughtful and informed reflections on the history of racial politics in and around Star Wars.

We continue to produce one episode a week when classes are in session. There’s a lot more where this comes from. Check us out and let us know how you like it so far.