What Makes Chernobyl Beautiful from a Screenwriting Perspective?

What Makes Chernobyl Beautiful from a Screenwriting Perspective?

Chernobyl achieved considerable critical and public acclaim. A result that couldn’t be taken for granted when the project started. The not so fashionable subject matter, its tragic nuances, the risk of addressing historical figures, events, and a society – the Soviet Union of the Eighties – that could appear unappealing, if not even too far from western contemporary culture and tastes. Greenlighting the production meant going against all odds. It ended up being a very good bet, though. What are the reasons for this surprising success?

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Chernobyl and the Anthropology of Sacrifice

Chernobyl and the Anthropology of Sacrifice

From the very beginning, Chernobyl is packed with scenes of sacrifice. It is no coincidence that the narrative opens with Legasov’s immolation, underlining the centrality of sacrifice in the series. In this sense, the various sacrificial events presented in the story may be broadly grouped into three types: the one voluntarily assumed by multiple characters throughout the series (heroic); the animal sacrifice perpetrated by the authorities or forced by the toxic radioactive situation, where immolation adopts a literal as well as figurative value (symbolic); and finally, the offering of another innocent human being, releasing others from their hardships and adversities (redemptive).

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Chernobyl a Miniseries Between “Reality” and “Television”

Chernobyl a Miniseries Between “Reality” and “Television”

Chernobyl (HBO – SKY, 2019) is a miniseries inspired by the real fact (or, rather to say, by the huge amount of historical, journalistic, administrative and scientific documents available on the subject) and also, in part, by the book Prayer for Chernoby by Svetlana Aleksievic. Miniseries are one of the most popular formats in current television production. They are characterised by a closure at the end of the planned episodes and are therefore also called limited series.

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Lessons from Chernobyl... the HBO Series...

Lessons from Chernobyl... the HBO Series...

The above quotes of Greek audiences of the series Chernobyl (HBO, 2019) raise a crucial question regarding the cognitive effects of the interplay between audiovisual genres. One could ask: What if history was teached through watching movies inside classrooms? The question is partially rhetoric since - to various extents - this educational and pedagogical practice, e.g. the use of fiction and movies to support teaching history or other subjects is implemented in all educational levels. Thus, fiction is de facto crafting historical memories and knowledge…

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History, Power, and Narrative: Chernobyl is Still There

History, Power, and Narrative: Chernobyl is Still There

The title of this contribution is alluding to the relationship between history and fiction, in Chernobyl tv series. On the one hand, the Chernobyl series challenges the so-called connection between fiction and nonfiction. It takes up the narration of the events in a rather precise way; but, at the same time, it works on memory and narrative, on the construction of personal experience and testimony, as well as on perception – and therefore on the plastic (that is, aesthetic-perceptual) and visual/figurative dimension. On the other hand, the question is: how the process of contextualization is staged?

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Chernobyl: From Nuclear Disaster to the TV Series, and Beyond – The Importance of Archives in Narrative Construction

Chernobyl: From Nuclear Disaster to the TV Series, and Beyond – The Importance of Archives in Narrative Construction

The title of this contribution is alluding to the relationship between history and fiction, in Chernobyl tv series. On the one hand, the Chernobyl series challenges the so-called connection between fiction and nonfiction. It takes up the narration of the events in a rather precise way; but, at the same time, it works on memory and narrative, on the construction of personal experience and testimony, as well as on perception – and therefore on the plastic (that is, aesthetic-perceptual) and visual/figurative dimension. On the other hand, the question is: how the process of contextualization is staged?

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Chernobyl Miniseries Polarizations: Good/Bad, Rational/Emotional

Chernobyl Miniseries Polarizations: Good/Bad, Rational/Emotional

Plots in Television series are often based on polarizations, in other words, on binary oppositions, which are extremely simple to follow. The miniseries Chernobyl brings into play a distinct clash between good and evil. The main opposition spectators are faced with is an ethical one, between the good guys, the scientists Valery Legasov and Ulana Khomyuk, who heroically try to limit the damage of the disaster, and the bad guys, the technicians of the nuclear plant Anatoly Dyatlov, Viktor Bryukhanov and Nicolai Fomian, who due to their incompetence and arrogance are the cause of the accident. Amongst the bad guys, various institutions can be placed like the government and the KGB, which have hidden and are still continuing to hide the deplorable mistakes made in the plant construction.

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Intermedial Realism in Chernobyl

Intermedial Realism in Chernobyl

The persuasive effectiveness of the miniseries Chernobyl (HBO, 2019) comes from its documentary approach (Odin 2013). It is not just about historical accuracy in representing places and people, furnishings, clothing and technology in the fictional reconstruction of a narrative possible world (Eco 1979; Ryan 2014). The "figures" of death from invisible radiation are achieved through a sound design that remixes Geiger counters; the scenes of contaminated urban spaces and forests are based on iconographic sources from photo reports at the disaster site; characters and narrative situations (e.g., the death of the young firefighter) are created using investigative literature of interviews with survivors and their families as source texts. And after the fictional finale, Chernobyl goes on to feature a long documentary sequence, with photos and archive footage, that becomes an ethical and political commentary on the nuclear disaster and its management.

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Chernobyl Reloaded: Renewing Traditional Male Heroism Through Female Characters

Chernobyl Reloaded: Renewing Traditional Male Heroism Through Female Characters

As highlighted in various studies on the miniseries, the protagonism and tragic fate of Valery Legasov (Jared Harris) and Boris Shcherbina (Stellan Skarsgård) in Chernobyl grants them an absolute pre-eminence. This work, however, vindicates the narrative prominence of the two female characters, who rework the male Homeric models of heroism: Lyudmilla Ignatenko (Jessie Buckley), the wife of one of the first victims of the nuclear accident, and Ulana Khomyuk (Emily Watson), the scientist who travels to Chernobyl to determine the causes of the explosion at the nuclear power plant. Both women, who initially complement the firefighter Vasily Ignatenko (Adam Nagaitis) and the scientist Legasov plots respectively, subvert the men's protagonism by forging their own narrative trajectories: Lyudmilla's desperate struggle to find her husband and support him in his agony, and Ulana's collaboration with Legasov to halt the spread of the radiation.

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Remembering (and Refiguring) Chernobyl: What Can be Learned from the HBO (2019) Series?

Remembering (and Refiguring) Chernobyl: What Can be Learned from the HBO (2019) Series?

The premiere of Chernobyl (HBO-SKY, 2019) recalled the greatest man-made catastrophe in human history and the enormous damage on both living beings and the environment. This "historical drama" —as the critics labelled the miniseries— made nuclear disasters the focus of public attention once again, after being overshadowed in the last two decades by the increasing dramatization of other risks such as climate change. This article launches a Pop Junctions series that unpacks a range of dimensions related to the series Chernobyl.

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“Part of Your World”: Fairy Tales, Race, #BlackGirlMagic, and The Little Mermaid

“Part of Your World”: Fairy Tales, Race, #BlackGirlMagic, and The Little Mermaid

In 2016 Disney announced a live-action adaptation of its 1989 animated film The Little Mermaid. Loosely based on Hans Christian Andersen's 1837 fairy tale, the animation earned critical acclaim, took $84 million at the domestic box office during its initial release, and won two Academy Awards (for Best Original Score and Best Original Song). Given Disney’s recent foray into creating live-action adaptations of some of its most successful animated films, it’s no surprise that The Little Mermaid was added to the list. Yet controversy rose when Black actress Halle Bailey was announced as Ariel in July 2019. Among the critiques was the argument that the adaptation should be as close to the original as possible, and the original featured a white mermaid; that if a Black character was re-cast as white in a remake there would be uproar; and while representation in all forms is important it shouldn’t override the history of the characters.

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Tumblr, TikTok, Dead Memes, and ‘Me’: Finding Yourself in the Niche-fied Internet

Tumblr, TikTok, Dead Memes, and ‘Me’: Finding Yourself in the Niche-fied Internet

Sulafa Zidani in conversation with Amanda Brennan. Amanda’s decade-long career as an internet librarian spans across different platforms and materials ranging from memes to trends at large. I spoke to her to learn about how she understands and struggles with internet culture. In our interview, Amanda highlights the internet as a place for creative niches and fandoms where people can explore and make sense of their identity, with Tumblr being the quintessential place for that type of engagement. We also discuss the difference between “memes” and “trends” in Amanda’s work, how she organizes and categorizes internet culture to forecast trends, and whether trends ever really die.

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Games as Social Technology—A Syllabus

Games as Social Technology—A Syllabus

(Video) Game is a curious topic to teach. Despite its social and cultural significance, it is still a topic that gets an occasional “wow, this thing exists?” and a “wow, people are actually into doing this stuff?”, often followed by a “but it’s not real!” At times, you may catch a whiff of condescension in the awe. When you engage with popular culture enough, whether as an academic, a fan, or both, you get trained to its distinct note.


Game design is a curious topic to teach because this lingering prejudice can contribute to a unique classroom atmosphere; a sense of community. Many students are likely to have been drawn to the course by their pre-existing interest in games, with an eagerness that matches their fan expertise. They are likely to have observed and experienced first-hand many of the topics to be covered in class, although not necessarily with a critical or analytic approach. Research findings and concepts may resonate on a personal level, and discussions can be rich with examples. The class may grow to become a safe space to bond over shared passions, an environment that may not have been readily available to everyone. In fact, my first semester of teaching COMM 260: Games as Social Technology at the University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC)—which was also my first semester here—started with many “I was so happy to see a course on games!” and ended with a series of student presentations that truly felt like a celebration of learning and camaraderie that we have fostered together over the course of the past 15 weeks.

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YouTube Musicians and a Pathway from Fandom to Empowerment

YouTube Musicians and a Pathway from Fandom to Empowerment

In 2007, I was a K-12 music teacher in Northern Illinois when one of my students told me about this amazing website that had a ton of music videos that I could watch for free. Of course, the video-sharing website he wanted to show me was YouTube, the site with the slogan “Broadcast yourself. Watch and share your videos worldwide!” The site instantly provided me with listening and learning examples for my students to enhance their time in my classroom. Not only could I find random choir performances of the music I had programmed to have my students go home and practice with, but I also pulled inspiration from the ways people were converging culture to propel my students into new ways of creating.

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Geeking-Out, Nerd Culture, and Oral History Methodology: An Interview with See You at San Diego’s Mathew Klickstein (Part Two)

Geeking-Out, Nerd Culture, and Oral History Methodology: An Interview with See You at San Diego’s Mathew Klickstein (Part Two)

Multi-platform storyteller Mathew Klickstein talks to Lauren Alexandra Sowa about his recent book, See You at San Diego: An Oral History of Comic-Con, Fandom, and the Triumph of Geek Culture. Following on from Part One, this interview explores the often-circuitous path that is qualitative research and book publishing, as well as the implications of pop cultures’ transformation over the decades and its changing dynamic within fandom studies/ theory.

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Geeking-Out, Nerd Culture, and Oral History Methodology: An Interview with See You at San Diego’s Mathew Klickstein (Part One)

Geeking-Out, Nerd Culture, and Oral History Methodology: An Interview with See You at San Diego’s Mathew Klickstein (Part One)

Mathew Klickstein is a multi-platform storyteller and his recent book, See You at San Diego: An Oral History of Comic-Con, Fandom, and the Triumph of Geek Culture, is a fascinating (and unexpected) journey into the pop culture world. In this interview, Lauren Alexandra Sowa talks to Klickstein about the the often-circuitous path that is qualitative research and book publishing, as well as the implications of pop cultures’ transformation over the decades and its changing dynamic within fandom studies/ theory.

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Dawn of a New Era: Reinventing Confessions of an Aca-Fan

Dawn of a New Era: Reinventing Confessions of an Aca-Fan

I have some big news today. I am going to be shutting this blog down for a few weeks and when it returns, it will do so with a new name and a new editorial structure. When we return, this blog will have evolved towards a collective editorial board that will be responsible for generating most of the content. Since there will no longer be just one “Aca-Fan,” the old title no longer makes sense. So, the new titles, collectively selected, will be Pop Junctions: Reflections on Entertainment, Pop Culture, Activism, Media Literacy, Fandom and More.

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Turning Red: Ming Lee and Authority

A few years ago, I was interviewed by a high school student, Alice Shu, who impressed me with her intelligence, curiosity, and passion. She has since come to USC and I was thrilled to learn she was going to take my Imaginary Worlds class. Hers was one of the best papers I read on the first assignment and so I wanted to share it with my blog readers.

Turning Red Costumes: Ming Lee and Authority

By Alice Shu


Historically, the stories of Pixar Animation Studios tended to feature white-coded characters, whether they be human or not— consider Woody, Buzz, Mike, and Sully, all voiced by white actors. Slowly, the films began featuring more diversity with side characters like Frozone and Russell, but it has only been recently with 2017’s Coco that uses an essentially complete non-white cast. Like Coco, director Domee Shi’s Turning Red uses cultural traditions as allegories for generalizable themes like family and adjustment. As a toddler, Shi had moved from China to Toronto, and her adolescence was defined by 2000s pop culture and Chinese culture, both of which play major aesthetic roles in the film (Tangcay).

Turning Red’s story is straightforward but laced with symbolism. Chinese-Canadian Meilin “Mei” Lee attempts to maintain a close relationship with her mother Ming, who places high traditional and academic expectations onto her. Together, they run their family temple devoted to honoring their ancestors, of which the women (including Ming and Mei) hold an ability to transform into powerful red pandas. For adolescent Mei, the emotion-triggered power becomes volatile but eventually profitable, and her manipulation of the ability draws disapproval from her family. Mei spends the film managing her family’s pressure and her new social popularity to negotiate a true identity.

Ming largely foils Mei’s impulses and stands as an intimidating force within the narrative. Like Mei, her identity is also re-assessed and these changes are expressed in both characters’ costumes, which remain static for most of the film. Analyzing Ming’s costume in particular demonstrates its role in establishing her as a complex authority shaped by cultural and familial standards. In addition, Turning Red’s costumes provide more insight into the film’s setting, highlighting the role of detail in characterizing imaginary worlds.

First, Ming’s dress and accessories establish her cultural authority within the film by drawing on Chinese traditions. She wears a qipao, a traditional Chinese dress that has become iconic along with kimonos and hanbok in symbolizing East Asia in media. Her qipao displays key identifying features, including the slit, curved collar, and knotted fastenings, proving its authenticity (Lee). Whenever Ming moves, the dress also has reflective properties that mimic a silky material, which is a traditional aspect of Chinese fashion (Lee). The dress is complemented by her home surroundings, which also feature Chinese iconography in the form of paintings, calligraphy, and furniture. Similar to how Mark Wolf associates relatability with audience acceptance of design, our acknowledgement of the inspired motifs allow us to associate Ming with tradition despite her existing in a fictional world (Wolf). By accepting this consistency the world provides a ripe setting for Mei’s conflicting narrative.

In addition, her jewelry also holds heavy cultural significance and association with her family. Her earrings and ring are made of jade, a highly valuable stone that symbolizes balance and wisdom (Shan). The Lee women also wear jewelry that hold and represent their Red Panda transformations, a destructive force that contrasts with the serenity of their green outfits. The transformative gift is passed between the family’s female members, and this maternal connection is evident when Ming rubs her symbolic pendant when nervous about her daughter. The lacquer also appears in their family temple, with the main shrine being surrounded by lacquer furniture. Interestingly, each aunt’s jewelry varies in terms of the object and style, be it earrings, a hair clip, or, like Ming’s, a necklace. All the pieces, however, feature a reference to the red panda— with some even using the same design—demonstrating that the jewelry is personalizable but serves to unify the women in their commitment to tradition.

The pendant and its iterations demonstrate how specific detail can be used to advance narratives. According to Wolf, authors will select and elaborate on world details depending on their opinion on its relevance to the story. Minor details can be left for assumption by the audience, while mysterious elements require clarification. Initially in Turning Red, we see numerous allusions to red pandas in the Lees’ temple, but these are dismissed as purely aesthetic. Even when Ming explains the family’s connection to the animals, she purely states that an ancestor had admired them and that they were “blessed” by red pandas. Without prior context, the audience can interpret this purely as background information that details the temple’s purpose without anticipation for further reference. Additionally, Ming’s red necklace, while clashing with her green clothes, receives no exposition. The only interaction it receives is when Ming uses it as a comfort item, alluding to a relationship to Mei based on the scene’s context. Verbal exposition is only given after Ming confronts Mei’s panda form and explains the family’s mythology, and a close-up reveals the red panda carved into the necklace to confirm its symbolism. Thus, delaying characterization added extra weight to Mei’s sudden transformation and the family’s new stakes, proving that selecting details can advance narratives as well as expand fictional worlds.

Ming’s pendant also acts as a differentiator that separates the film’s fictional world from the known world to help legitimize setting. Turning Red succeeds as an homage due to the setting’s adherence to realism— depictions of Toronto’s population and landmarks like CN Tower confirm its sameness. It also relies on a historic time-frame to further inform aesthetics and audience reactions, as the fashion and music trends of the 2000s are prominently featured.

Further demonstration of commitment to historic accuracy can be found with the film’s climactic SkyDome. The film, set in 2002, correctly uses the stadium’s name before it was renamed to the “Rogers Centre” in 2005, twelve years before the film would begin its development. Evidently, the setting’s realism enhances the fantastical aspects of the story. Much like Ming’s costume, the primary aspects— the blazer and qipao grounded in historic authenticity—contrast with the magical, symbolized by the enigmatic pendant. The pendant then comes to symbolize a transition into the fictional aspect of the world and an indicator of the separation between the known and new.

While Ming’s costume has very real and traditional references, her daughter’s are more symbolic of her modern surroundings. Mei wears a black wire choker that sits around her neck while Ming’s pendant hangs toward her torso. Instead of a longer, fluid dress Mei’s choice of skirt and leggings divide her body, making her seem shorter while Ming’s dress elongates her figure. And, while Ming’s costume is dominated by the green to symbolize her family, Mei consistently wears more red to demonstrate her affinity towards her red panda. The only aspect that Mei retains is her green barrette, which is small and not noticeable.

Through these differences Ming is clearly defined to be grounded in her culture, and her costume serves to express her devotion to tradition in her increasingly modern context. When Mei was younger it was easier to introduce and enforce tradition within their home, as demonstrated by the numerous photos of Mei in a small reddish-pink qipao of her own. However, as proven by her choker, Mei begins to dress herself according to trends and is less expressive of the culture that her parents prioritized. The film explores this conflict as Mei negotiates with her cultural transformative qualities and aligns less with her mother’s traditional

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expectations, a tension that is common within diaspora cultures. In this way, costume becomes a way to express culture and one’s embrace of it.

Furthermore, the externals of Ming’s costume affirm her authority within a diasporic space. While her costume itself does not allude to her role as a parent, it mirrors that of Ming’s own mother and demonstrates themes of maternal influence. Green shades reappear as an association to their Chinese background, and serves as a contrast to Mei’s social aspirations. Mei’s grandmother, the family matriarch, is introduced in a flurry of green, with her first shot dominated by a rich jade bracelet and a deep green jacket cuff. An intimate scene of Mei’s family preparing dumplings for dinner is lit by the green-blue glow of their television, which, of course, is playing an imperial Chinese drama. Mei’s family adopts signature green-blue tones, which tend to be darker and firmer— consider her grandmother’s rich turquoise cardigan— while Mei’s friends don brighter colors (Yamanaka). For example, Miriam, Mei’s friend who serves to foil Ming’s traditional expectations, wears greenish-yellow tones instead. Both characters are dressed almost completely in green, but the tonal differences establish them as important yet opposing forces in Mei’s life. Further emphasizing this tension, red and green act as complimentary colors (in reference to the color wheel theory), implying that Mei will need to compromise to preserve her relationships.

The remaining elements help confirm her authority by adding intimidating aspects. The stripes on her dress serve to elongate her height, thus making her seem taller and authoritative. This trait is enhanced by Ming being taller than all the younger characters, including her daughter, and equal height to the significant adult characters. The blazer with shoulder pads, pantyhose, and pumps contribute to a “working woman” aesthetic that also defines Ming’s livelihood in America— an early photo flashback shows her and her family attending a business convention, for example. In addition Mei and Ming are both involved in the operations of their established family temple, and Mei’s deviation from her duties causes tension between the two, demonstrating the emphasis on business industry that Ming places on herself and her family. Mei also briefly wears the blazer during a presentation to her parents in an attempt to emulate the maturity and expertise her mother is associated with. Interestingly, Ming’s blazer is always present when she conducts business or runs errands, likely to project an image of confidence to her community. However, within her closed household, she usually wears only her dress, possibly to signify being more genuine and comforting with her immediate family.

Thus, it becomes obvious that Ming’s costume helps contextualize her experiences within a diasporic context. With Mei’s family in Toronto and her grandmother and aunts in Florida, it can be inferred that a majority of her family has relocated from China to the Western hemisphere. While Mei is raised within Toronto’s Chinatown, she and her mother spend a significant amount of time outside its confines. In these less familiar contexts Ming utilizes her costume to encourage respect despite being a perpetual foreigner. Eventually, she expects mutual respect consistently from others, as shown when she becomes visibly frustrated with the school’s security guard while attempting to approach Mei during class. Evidently, Ming’s costume acts as a defense mechanism to reassure herself to maintain her authority in any context.

Despite the story mainly featuring Chinese-Canadian characters, it focuses more on the generational mother-daughter relationships. Mei’s affinity toward modern, Western trends does intensify tension with her mother, but this merely represents general conflicts of interest that characterize diminishing maternal relationships. In addition to representing an affirmative position within a foreign context, Ming’s blazer symbolizes her overprotectiveness towards her daughter. The wide shoulder-pads assist in Ming’s body overshadowing Mei during furious acts of maternal protection, demonstrating a perceived control over her. The blazer also clashes with the casual outfits that surround her, further characterizing her overprotectiveness as strange, and according to Mei’s peers, embarrassing or “psycho”. Refreshingly, the source of Mei’s shame is not of her family’s Chineseness; only once does another character disparage their traditions, as nemesis Tyler briefly yells for Mei to “go back...to your creepy temple.” Instead, it’s Ming’s closeness that is perceived as strange by others, instead of her culture, which diasporic films tend to hyperfocus on as sources of conflict.

Certainly, though, Ming’s cultural designs inform her confidence. Production designer Rona Liu and director Domee Shi describe Ming as “controlled and elegant”, and her design aims to emulate the ladies of 1960s Hong Kong (Yamanaka). Historically, this period is said to be the “second golden age” for qipaos amidst the less glamorous Communist China (Lee). Ming also wears the dress well; the stiff collars serve to display a woman’s good posture, and Ming is almost always poised and composed, emulating the traditional values of the outfit.

Interestingly, Ming’s qipao also differs drastically from the costume choices of her relatives. Mei’s aunts are dressed very immigrant and very 2000s— chunky sandals, zebra-print boots, tracksuits, and, of course, a puffer vest for the predictably cold weather. While the relatives dress casually, Ming’s costume emulates elegance and professionalism. Considering that Ming is geographically isolated from her relatives in Florida, her outfit maintenance can help provide an impression of success and assurance, especially as her own mother, who, like Ming, maintains high expectations for her daughter.

Halfway through the film, a shift in Ming’s role becomes apparent. Around her Toronto community, Mei, and her husband, she is able to intimidate and welcomes respect. However, around her mother and relatives (referred to Mei as “aunties”), she becomes defensive and more timid. Despite being the same height as her mother, she looks downward when being addressed, and her voice becomes less firm. During the climax Ming’s internal fragility and frustration with her family act as a deviation of her otherwise consistent character. Her blazer can then be interpreted as a shield from her family to preserve an internal pride that becomes diminished around her family.

Once the family’s generational tensions are resolved, though, their accommodation can be expressed through new additions to their costumes. Prior to the climax Ming wears a pendant that holds her sealed panda spirit, but after it breaks it is replaced with a red tamagotchi, a relic of the trendy concert that Mei attends. The theme of cultural adjustment continues across Mei’s family, as her grandmother’s jade bracelet is replaced by a red 4-Town charm, which represents a band that the family consistently disapproved of. The combination of modern media and the red colors symbolize a coherent acceptance of the family’s adjustment to a new era defined by acceptance.

Ming’s costume successfully characterizes her complexity and authority within Turning Red’s narrative. First, small details and ornamentation establish her as a character prior to the start of the film. The blazer, pendant, and ring allude to previous struggles of adjustment, angst, and determination in relation to her family and diaspora. The dominant green-blue tones demonstrate her alignment with the traditional expectations of family and tradition, creating a symbolic cohesion that defines the film. While the blazer and dress represent aspects of clashing worlds, the color and silhouettes allow for an elegant combination to guide our expectations of her poised character. Turning Red’s creative team undoubtedly succeeded in using her costume to extend her character in an evident demonstration of costume and narrative design.





Works Cited

Lee, Ching Yee. “How the Qipao Became the Quintessence of Chinese Elegance.” The Collector, 21 Feb. 2022, thecollector.com/how-qipao-became-timeless-chinese- elegance/.

Shan, Jun. “Importance of Jade in Chinese Culture.” ThoughtCo., 6 Dec. 2018, thoughtco.com/ about-jade-culture-629197.

Tangcay, Jazz. “‘Turning Red’: How Anime and Teen Bedrooms All Feature in Production Design.” Variety, 11 Mar 2022, variety.com/2022/artisans/news/turning-red-how-anime- teen- bedrooms-and-easter-eggs-all-feature-in-production-design-1235202044/.

Wolf, Mark. “World Design.” The Routeledge Companion to Imaginary Worlds, 1st Edition, Routeledge, 17 September 2017.

Yamanaka, Jeanine. “Creating the Look of Disney and Pixar’s ‘Turning Red’.” SoCal Thrills, 8 Mar. 2022, socalthrills.com/disney-and-pixar-creating-the-look-of-turning-red/.









Alice Shu is a USC undergraduate (class of 2025) studying Communications and East Asian Area Studies. She comes from a Chinese-American and Bay Area background that has informed her interests in intercultural communication. While at USC, she has developed interests in fandom studies and entertainment industries, particularly themed entertainment. Her favorite attraction, predictably, is the Mad Tea Party. She currently works with social media platforms on sales and marketing.

“Dr. Terwilliker’s Doe-Mi-Doe Duds”: How They Contribute to the Film as a Whole, And One Possible Alternate Interpretation

I shared my syllabus for my Imaginary Worlds class here at the start of the term and many of you have expressed interest in how it is progressing. We’ve had some amazing guest speakers and watched some of my all time favorite films. The quality of the student writing has overall been very strong so I thought I would share a few samples over my next few posts. First up, David Ling, an MFA Production student, wrote about costumes in 5000 Fingers of Dr. T, a film which is close to my heart.

“Dr. Terwilliker’s Doe-Mi-Doe Duds”: How They Contribute to the Film as a Whole, And One Possible Alternate Interpretation

by David Ling

In the final sequence of “The 5000 Fingers of Dr. T”, Dr. Terwilliker, a disciplinarian piano instructor in the real world, but a deliriously over-the-top, narcissistic megalomaniac who runs the Terwilliker Institute in Bart’s nightmare world, dons a truly outlandish set of garments in anticipation of what he believes will be his crowning achievement. In his salon, Dr. T instructs his underlings to outfit him in the increasingly bizarre layers of what he calls his “Doe-Mi-Doe duds.” The entire ensemble engages in a song-and-dance number befitting a Busby Berkeley musical. In this surreal spectacle, there’s a lot to unpack, as it offers both a summation of Terwilliker’s identity/persona and a critique of his twisted worldview. Additionally, it’s emblematic of the unique, often whimsical Surrealism associated with Seuss’s imagination. After exploring some of the more obvious ways in which this costume contributes to the film, I’ll also suggest another, perhaps less obvious, reading of what it might signify.

Examining the film as a whole, one can note a sort of narrative trajectory with regard to the clothing Dr. T wears: his garb goes from relatively staid and buttoned-down in his opening scene, to truly outlandish and over-the-top in his very final scene (the Doe-Mi-Doe duds). These changes in costume serve a meaningful narrative purpose, as they map out a sort of“character arc” for Terwilliker. Although he does not “grow” or “evolve,” at least not from a moral standpoint (which isn’t unusual, since he’s the film’s antagonist, not its protagonist), his delusions of grandeur grow more and more profound as we get deeper into the story, and his clothing reflects this.

When first introduced in the real world, as Bart’s piano instructor, Terwilliker wears a relatively “quiet,” muted outfit: dark grayish suit, with black shoes. His unconventional necktie and pocket square lend a somewhat comical flair, but still nothing yet signifies anything too out-of- the-ordinary. Once Bart falls asleep and enters the imaginary world of his dreams, we’re (re)introduced to Dr. T: this time he wears the sort of long-tailed black tuxedo jacket often worn by conductors. This seems appropriate because in Bart’s dream, he does indeed occupy the role of a symphony conductor, who “conducts” Bart at the 500-child piano. But already, the eccentricity factor has been increased. Here, Terwilliker sports a bright red “tie” (with gold pin) and dapper gray vest. His pants are now striped, not solid, and his shoes are black-and-white.




In short, his attire has gotten noticeably more colorful and flamboyant than it was in the real world.

Terwilliker then goes through a couple more wardrobe changes as Bart’s nightmare continues to unfold. First, he dons a purplish frock with black stripes and a large “T” on it; underneath this, he sports a bright pink turtleneck. (This is worn during his “duel” with Zlabadowski.) By now, his fashion sense has entered the realm of the bold and the exotic, with bright hues and wild patterns one wouldn’t expect to see in the “real world.” Then, when he takes Bart down to the dungeon, he sports a dark-blue robe-like garment with white stripes, with a pink musical “clef” symbol stitched onto it. His increasingly outlandish and loud wardrobe choices are a perfect reflection of his unhinged personality and delusional frame of mind, now fully on display. The T (for Terwilliker) sown onto his frock reinforces just how narcissistic he is, and the musical clef denotes how music is the means by which he intends to promote his cult of personality. And yet, all these increasingly strange garments are merely a precursor to his most outrageous wardrobe choice of all, the Doe-Mi-Doe duds. Just as the story’s narrative increases in intensity as it proceeds towards the explosive finale, the visual aesthetic expressed in Dr. T’s clothing also builds in intensity and “loudness,” until it too crescendos in the final act. If Dr. T’s clothes are a reflection of his mental state, then in the natural progression towards greater and greater excess and visual flair in his wardrobe, the Doe-Me-Doe duds represent the absolute pinnacle of his extreme megalomania and narcissism.

Interestingly, right before the “Doe Mi Doe” musical number takes place, Dr. T takes the stage to address the 500 kids before him; here, he’s wearing a gold-and-white silk robe with a pattern that seems like something out of ancient Rome, perhaps the sort of toga that Caligula might have worn to an orgy. Retreating back to his salon, he then launches into the spectacular musical number in which five valets assist him in putting on the various items of the Doe-Mi- Doe duds. These attendants themselves wear light-blue long-tailed tuxedo jackets and green shirts with the letter “T” emblazoned on them. To fully understand this scene’s significance, it’s helpful to first break down how its “action” unfolds and to take stock of what the actual items of clothing that Dr. T puts on are.

First, the silk robe is taken off, leaving him in nothing but pink shirt, lime green boxer shorts, and yellow socks. Then, the attendants put garters and maroon striped pants on him. Next, he receives a blue gownlike garment with black geometric shapes and matching collar. Various ornamental items, most notably several medals, are pinned to his chest, and epaulets (one feathery; one circular) attached to his shoulders. After he’s seated, his attendants entwine him in a long, multi-colored braided yarn, which seems to serve no real functional purpose. A furry white cape, with red interior lining, is then draped over his shoulders. Finally, as he heads towards the window, the veritable piece-de-resistance, a large blue-and-black bearskin hat, replete with colorful plumage on top, is plopped onto his head. The ceremony now complete, Terwilliker triumphantly exits the salon as petals are strewn before his feet. The whole scene has the feel of a coronation, full of spectacle, brimming with pomp and circumstance.

Now, having catalogued the various items that make up the Doe-Mi-Doe duds, we can better appreciate how they both fit into the story as a whole and enhance it by adding various levels of meaning that might not be immediately apparent. First, the Doe-Mi-Doe duds represent the apex of Dr T.’s sartorial ambitions: seen in terms of the progression of his increasingly outlandish wardrobe choices, they reveal Dr. T in his full character. Completing a radical 180- degree transformation from the suit and tie he wears initially, the Doe-Mi-Doe duds chart his evolution (through Bart’s eyes) from being merely a strict, disciplinarian piano teacher in the beginning to a full-blown dictator and ruthless tyrant at the end. And while he first appears in Bart’s dream looking refined and sophisticated like a conductor, at the end, he looks garishly caricaturish, resembling more of a marching-band leader than an orchestra maestro.

Additionally, these Doe-Mi-Doe duds serve to contrast him with two other major figures, namely, young Bart Collins and the plumber Zlabadowski. Whereas Terwilliker’s attire is luxurious and extravagant, both Bart’s and Zlabadowski’s attire is mundane and pedestrian. Bart wears the striped shirt and denim pants typically associated with all-American youngstersin the ‘50s. Zlabadowski’s outfit, though not working-class, certainly bespeaks a sort of bland “everyman” quality. In his tan jacket and simple slacks, he signifies a sort of “ordinary Joe” type. Interestingly, he’s not outfitted in the sort of gray and grimy overalls one often associates with plumbers, but this makes narrative sense, since it’s his paternal qualities, rather than his plumbing skills, that the film emphasizes. He wears the look of an easygoing, if somewhat boring, middle-American dad.

Also, unlike Dr. T’s clothing, each item of which seems unique and one-of-a-kind, the clothes that Bart and Zlabadowski wear look as if they are mass-produced, churned out by factories rather than hand-stitched. This is particularly true of Bart’s “Happy Fingers” beanie, presumably made in a factory in large bulk quantities. When Bart puts it on, it not only looks ludicrous on him, but it also anonymizes him, so that when the busloads of kids arrive in the final scene, Bart becomes only one rather unremarkable kid in a sea of kids, all of whom look generically the same, visually speaking. In contrast, Dr. T’s clothing is meant to set him apart as a unique individual, with an idiosyncratic style that is all his own. His feathery, ornate bearskin hat suggests that he, like it, is one-of-a-kind, singular; on the other hand, Bart’s mass-produced beanie supports the notion that he, like all the other kids, is essentially indistinguishable and replaceable.

The Doe-Mi-Doe duds also heighten the sense of Surrealism. At some level, any breakout into a musical number inherently forces the audience to realize that what’s on screen is a departure from “the real.” But here, the entire visual space, from the set decoration to the servants in their colorful formalwear, is conceived in such a way that the audience instantly knows this is a dreamlike realm of fantasy and imagination. Additionally, the song lyrics that Dr. T sings as he’sbeing dressed are themselves utterly nonsensical, veering occasionally into absurdity. He begins to rattle off names of things that don’t actually exist in the real world and are just made- up juxtapositions, such as “Chesapeake mouse” or “Hudson Bay rat.” In this sense, the lyrics call to mind the process of free association, in which patients in psychoanalysis are encouraged to let words bubble up from their unconscious, even if the connections between those words aren’t immediately apparent. Dr. T’s spouting of gibberish does indeed have this sort of free- associative quality, which becomes particularly apparent towards the song’s end when he references food rather than fashion, e.g., “pretzels” and “bock-beer suds.” And the Doe-Mi- Doe costume itself seems to embody Surrealist principles: it’s a hodgepodge of fancifully bizarre items that seem joined together purely as a result of whimsy and imagination (e.g., a feather epaulet, a white cape, assorted medals).

Taking this line of reasoning further, in psychoanalytic terms, this musical extravaganza can be seen as an expression of Terwilliker’s unbridled “id.” Literally, the lyrics of the song are a relentless recitation of “I want” statements, repeated over and over, and reformulated to encompass more and more outrageous articles of clothing. Like a child, Dr. T unabashedly declares that he desires certain items, and his obedient manservants promptly cater to his every whim. In fact, the song expresses a sort of dialectical relationship between Dr. T’s identity as a terrorizer of children, on the one hand, and his identity as essentially a big child himself, full of wants and needs (again, the notion of the unbridled “id”). It’s probably not mere coincidence that, during the song-and-dance, Terwilliker requests being dressed up in “silk and spinach,” or mentions clothing made of “liverwurst and camembert.” On the one hand, those are plainly absurd propositions (using food as garments), but also, at the basic level of child psychology, those appear to be specific foods that many children find detestable or revolting, or would associate with punishment. Through this song Terwilliker expresses both the unrestrained impulses of an undisciplined, spoiled child, while at the same time referencing the sort of unpleasant culinary experiences (e.g., eating spinach or liverwurst) that children often think of as punitive. Thus, his dictatorial qualities come to the foreground: he is both a child to be indulged, and a tyrant who sparks fear in other children.

Additionally, Henry Jenkins has written about how this film can be viewed as a veiled critique of fascism and dictatorship in the post-WWII era, and the iconography of the Doe-Mi-Doe duds fits neatly into this aspect. Specifically, Jenkins points out that in both early script drafts and the finished product, there is a clear linkage between the Fuhrer-like Dr. Terwilliker and Adolf Hitler. See Henry Jenkins, “No Matter How Small: The Democratic Imagination of Dr. Seuss,” Hop on Pop: The Politics and Pleasures of Popular Culture (hereinafter, “Jenkins”), p. 201. For instance, Jenkins notes how the grand procession of Terwilliker’s henchmen towards the end has intentionally been choreographed to resemble the Nazi rallies depicted in Riefenstahl’s Triumph of the Will. (Jenkins, p. 201). In the imagery of the Doe-Mi-Doe duds themselves, the antifascist commentary is equally present. As noted above, Dr. T wears a large number of medals as part of this costume. These have strong military connotations. On each shoulder, he sports the sort of epaulets typically worn by military officers. His imposing bearskin hat subtly likens him to the bombastic bandleader of a jingoistic military marching band. Strutting around in his Doe-Mi-Does and surrounded by goosestepping goons, he more closely resembles a military dictator than a benevolent leader or instructor.

So far, we’ve catalogued how the Doe-Mi-Doe duds operate at two distinct levels of meaning. One is informational, in service of a narrative function (telling the specific story of the conflict between Terwilliker and Bart). The other way in which this costume functions is at a symbolic level, i.e., alluding to the wider struggle against fascism, and specifically against Hitler’s Nazi Germany, that America had just emerged victoriously from. As Jenkins points out, this aligns closely with Seuss’s own authorial intent. Seuss’s interest in exploring themes loosely described as Surrealist, drawing upon theories of the unconscious, or child psychology, is also detected here. Thus the two levels described above (narrative and symbolic) in fact correspond to the first two levels of meaning that Roland Barthes identifies when he proposes that there are three levels of meaning when looking at a film. See Angelos Koutsourakis, “A Modest Proposal for Re-Thinking Cinematic Excess,” Quarterly Review of Film and Video (hereinafter, “Koutsourakis”), pp. 706-707.

The Barthian “third meaning,” however, consists of a layer of meaning that often operates outside the range of the author’s own intentions. Instead, it often manifests as what is described as an almost “fetishistic” interest in surface details. Furthermore, often operating against, or frustrating or impeding, the narrative flow, it can also take the form of an indulgence in what theorists often call “cinematic excess,” a fixation on certain filmic aspects of the medium that ostensibly serve no narrative impulse but rather satisfy an aesthetic impulse beyond linear storytelling. In fact, these qualities have led some theorists to assert that it is closely connected to a sort of queer sensibility and viewership. (Koutsourakis, p. 707). I would argue that this Barthian notion of a third meaning has particular relevance to Dr. T and his Doe- Mi-Doe duds.

One of the most interesting aspects of the song-and-dance routine is that, in singing it, Dr. T recites a litany of items that are in fact not ever put on him, and which never appear on screen. Rather, they are merely alluded to, but do not actually comprise the components of the Doe- Mi-Doe duds he actually wears. Thus, he speaks longingly about items such as a bolero, a gusset, Chamois booties, a dickey and other assorted items, none of which actually materialize for him. In effect, Terwilliker is reading out loud a long list of clothing items that are simply not present. Of course, his valets are indeed dressing him up in assorted fineries, but those fineries are not the actual ones he speaks of in his song.

What is one to make of this? Perhaps one reading is simply that he’s an oaf, that he is stupid and doesn’t quite realize that he’s not getting what he’s asking for. Certainly, one aspect of his persona is indeed that he is a buffoon, so this may indeed be a plausible explanation. But to me this doesn’t seem like the correct reading. Terwilliker certainly seems to know exactly what each of the articles of clothing are; his eyes seem to light up as he mentions each by name. It seems then that the constant mismatch between what he requests and what he gets speaks, in effect, to a gap between desire and reality. There’s a disjuncture between the spoken words he utters and the physical reality he encounters, the material objects he receives. In any event, this echoes the sort of tension that exists between the world of pleasures that a gay man living in a heteronormative world would like to experience and the actual pleasures that he is allowed to experience in that same world. The act of singing about each clothing item takes on the tone of a kind of fetishistic wish fulfillment when the scene is re-interpreted in this light. It also goes hand-in-hand with the notion of “excess” or “surplus” in the most literal way possible, as he’s calling out for many more items of clothing than he could possibly hope to wear at once (i.e., an overabundance). Perhaps the strongest argument that there is indeed a “third meaning” to this scene is a transgressive element that some viewers might have missed: much of the clothing he says he wants are actually items of women’s clothing, e.g., a brocaded bodice, a peekaboo blouse, bright blue bloomers (women’s underwear) or a Mother Hubbard (a gown worn by women in the Victorian era). As a man who seems obsessively fixated on fashion, style and beauty, Terwilliker himself seems to be coded as gay, queer or transgender. When one considers that his coterie of attendants in the scene are all attractive young men, thus subverting the traditional (straight) male gaze that seeks to locate the female body as the site of sexual desire, the looming presence of a queer sensibility seems all the more plausible. Thus, even though Terwilliker ostensibly seeks to marry Bart’s mom, competing with Zlabadowski for her, this musical number suggests a subtext in which he’s coded as a repressed or closeted gay man. At any rate, this reading of the Doe-Mi-Doe scene is not necessarily authoritative or “the truth,” but merely one possible interpretation that emerges when viewing it through the lens of Barthes’ “third meaning.” Since the Barthian third meaning exists outside of authorial intent, it’s quite possible it could still be meaningful even if Seuss himself never intended the film to be interpreted this way.

Bibliography of Works Cited

Henry Jenkins, “No Matter How Small: The Democratic Imagination of Dr. Seuss,” Hop on Pop: The Politics and Pleasures of Popular Culture (2003)

Angelos Koutsourakis, “A Modest Proposal for Re-Thinking Cinematic Excess,” Quarterly Review of Film and Video (2021)

David Ling is currently a second-year graduate film student in the Film and Television Production MFA program at USC's School of Cinematic Arts. Before enrolling in the program, he spent time as an entertainment lawyer, filmmaker, and film journalist in New York City. His short film "San Gennaro" premiered at the New York Short Film Festival in 2018, and his film reviews and filmmaker interviews have appeared in papermag.com. He received his bachelor's degree from Harvard College, where he was the recipient of the Thomas T. Hoopes Prize in his senior year.

Global Fandom Returns: Cendera Rizky Anugrah Bangun (Indonesia)

 I dedicated my blog last year to the Global Fandom Jamboree — a series of conversations amongst scholar from many different nations about fandom and fandom studies. I have been gratified by the level of interests this undertaking generated. We are already seeing unexpected collaborations — from conference sessions to co-authored papers — emerge from the match-making that was required to make this series work. But there were still some outstanding (in both senses of the term) conversations still to be completed when the blog shut down for the summer. So I will be sharing a bit more consideration of the topic. Here’s a stand alone statement from Indonesia.

I’m an academic and a fan. How can you not fall in love with the music itself, with the chemistry between actors when watching movies, or when your favorite football club competes with another club during the football season?

Indonesia is known as the most populous Muslim country in the world, but that doesn’t mean that Indonesia only has one religion; the other religions are Buddhism, Christianity, Catholic, Hindu, Confucianism, and thousands of folk or beliefs in Indonesia. There are hundreds of languages spoken in Indonesia, most of them are locally used indigenous languages. In addition, various tribes live in Indonesia side by side every day. For this reason, it is not enough to see how popular culture lives in Indonesia in just 1-2 studies. There are so many traditional cultures in Indonesia, it is quite challenging to find the exact form of popular culture in Indonesia, but that doesn't mean it doesn't exist. Many traditional cultures also influence the popular culture eventually. During the presidential Era, from President Soekarno, President Soeharto, until Presiden Joko Widodo, the popular culture has been shaped also by the socio political influence. For example, one of the pop culture that influence by this condition is Dangdut.

One form of Pop Culture that exists in Indonesia is Dangdut and Melayu (Pop) Music. Dangdut is a genre of Indonesian dance and folk music originated from Java island, Dangdut is partly derived and fused from Hindustani, Arabic music, and to lesser extent local folk music. The music itself become a “melting pot of cultures” as describe by Wreksono because it has the of Melayu, Indian, Arab, Chinese and European music mix in it. According to Frederick (1982), Dangdut is the kind of music defended by contemporary Indonesia's best-known popular entertainer, has been an enormous influence in much of the post-Sukarno period. Aimed directly at youth, it is dominated by a pulsating dance rhythm and a populist message, with both Islamic and secular variants. It plays a large role in creating a market for the mass media in Indonesia; made a mark on other areas of cultural activity, sparked open and often heated debate over the state of Indonesian culture; and given Indonesian Islam a new kind of public identity. It’s because through Soekarno’s Speech on August 17, 1959, during the Old Order, the Rediscovery of Our Revolution, which called for an attitude to protect national culture from foreign influences, gave birth to such a strict anti-Western policy. Radio broadcasts stopped broadcasting western music, all forms of western music were banned from performing and recording, the names of English-speaking bands and musicians were forced to change, and even young men with long hair were targeted for control (Quroatun'uyun, 2020). This condition then brought up regional music (under the influence of traditional music) to come to the surface; Bengawan Solo, Neng Geulis, Ampar-ampar Pisang, Ayam Den Lapeh, Sarinande, Angin Mamiri, and so on. This is the forerunner to the birth of dangdut music. Sukarno's claim to dangdut as Indonesia's native culture strengthened the counter action of western music that entered the homeland and even used the principle of political manifestations to dispel the onslaught of western music (Rhoma and Muhidin, 2008: 413; Andrew, 2006).

In his work, Weintraub (2006) stated that representations of Dangdut as the music of ‘the people’—the majority of society—have been produced with great frequency and in a variety of popular print media. Weintraub (2006) describe the ways in which popular print media ‘speaks for’ people, and the relations of power that define those discourses. Aside from love as a popular topic, dangdut also addresses social issues normally avoided by other genres (Weintraub, 2010). One of the Kings of Dangdut well known in Indonesia is Rhoma Irama. From the late 1970s, he began transforming into a more Islamic-oriented style, commanding the religiously pious popular music culture. He change his music style by not only began to cultivate a heavier, rocklike sound, but, moreover he determined to use his music to spread the word of Islam to the world.

During the height of his stardom in the 1970s, he was dubbed "Raja Dangdut" ("the King of Dangdut") with his Soneta Group. His Begadang album ranked No. 11 on Rolling Stone Indonesia's "150 Greatest Indonesian Albums of All Time" list. His main single "Begadang" reached number 24 on the magazine's "150 Greatest Indonesian Songs of All Time" list. His 1973 hit "Terajana", one of the best-known Dangdut songs, was the first to use the newly coined, term Dangdut, distinguishing the Javanese Orkes Melayu music, heavily influenced by Indian Bollywood records, henceforth Dangdut, from the established Orkes Melayu, associated with North Sumatran Malays. As Indonesia is the largest Muslim populated country, it is inevitable to experience Islam influence on some culture and arts. Rhoma Irama even took on a more explicit Islamic moral tone, adopting Islamic dress and shorter hairstyles, and ejecting band members who consumed alcohol or had extra-marital sex. He also resolved that his music should instruct, and not merely entertain, a form of devotion waged through music. Themes in his music included prohibition of extra-marital sex, government corruption, drugs, and gambling. The song "Haram" for instance, warns against both drugs and gambling, while the song "Keramat" asserts the instructions in Islam to honor mothers.

Weintraub found that the dangdut style changed following the development of people's tastes and media technology. The similarity in dangdut music is only in the aspects of the messages carried. Popular types of dangdut music carry collective messages, not individualist messages. Rhoma Irama's dangdut music brought a new awakening movement for Muslims in Indonesia. By bringing Islamic content in dangdut music, Rhoma became one of the public figures whose presence was felt by the community stronger than existing political figures. From that moment on, dangdut became a music that was able to reduce the gap between the rich and the poor. At the same time, Muslim style in dangdut as social criticism, is comparable with individual attention to public morality.

Rhoma and his Soneta Band performance                       

Rhoma Irama fan art behind the truck

 The development, shifting, and changes in Dangdut, from the music of the majority, to modern consumer culture is not only describes the political and cultural conditions of Indonesia but is more about economic, political and sociocultural practices. After the President Soeharto Era, on 2003, another Dangdut’ singer and dancer name Inul Daratista has become the talk of the day.  With her so-called drill dance (goyang ngebor or goyang inul) she contributed to one of the most heated debates. Within a short period, a national debate exploded among politicians, Islamic clerics, celebrities, and local women’s groups on the question whether or not her performance was morally acceptable (Van Wichelen, 2005).

Inul doing a performance of her “Goyang Ngebor” on stage





Inul Daratista illuminates contemporary ‘body politics’, in which human bodies invested with diverse meanings and values have powerful implications for discourses about Islam, pornography, women’s bodies, state/civil relations in Indonesia, and changing forms of media. A woman’s body became the focal point for public debates about religious authority, freedom of expression, women’s rights, and the future of Indonesia’s political leadership. At the center of these debates was Inul Daratista, from East Java, whose dancing was described as ‘pornographic’ and therefore haram, forbidden by Islam. In the highly mediated sphere of popular culture, ‘Inulmania’ contributed to a new dialogic space where conflicting ideological positions could be expressed and debated. Inul’s body became a stage for a variety of cultural actors to try out or ‘rehearse’ an emergent democracy in post-Suharto Indonesia (Weintraub, 2008). Inul's appearance was even more heated when the King of Dangdut, Rhoma Irama did not want to be on the same stage with Inul, even in the same television program. According to Rhoma, Inul's ‘Goyang Ngebor” has violated the limits of fairness and degraded the nation's morale.

In the President Jokowi Era, another well-known Dangdut singer is Didi Kempot, a singer and songwriter in the Dangdut Campursari style. Originally, Campursari is the combination of two musical elements Keroncong and Javanese gamelan. Popular culture is often considered people’s culture (mass culture) that does not show a high culture. Another way to describe popular culture is a culture that is not cultured. Since popular culture is floating in most of society, which is unintentionally created by the community itself, it is excluded from people who have power (Storey, 2009). Dangdut Campursari is part of the pop culture that unintentionally created by the community itself. It was popularized again when Didi Kempot wrote songs mainly in his native Javanese language.

His fans call him “The Godfather of the Broken-Hearted" during his later years because vast majority of his songs are themed around heartbreaks and other sad love stories. In April 2020, he streamed a live charity concert from his house and raised a total Rp7.6 billion (~$500,000) to help Indonesians who are affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. He also released a song entitled "Ojo Mudik" ("Don't Go Mudik"), pleading for his fans not to go back home during the Eid al-Fitr holiday season to prevent further spread of the coronavirus. His fans are known as “Sobat Ambyar”. On one of the occasions in his state speech, Jokowi said that Sobat Ambyar could be a means to spread the Pancasila ideology. This is because many young people (Millennials generation) are fans of Didi Kempot, it is only natural that things favored by many groups are used as a tool to share an ideology. This condition is also essential to strengthen the voter base and give meaning to every campaign activity (Rusadi, 2015).

His fans mourned when he passed away. Even the President of Republic Indonesia stated in his Instagram post: “"I watched the charity concert by Didi Kempot to raise money for Covid-19 victims. He's also helped the government by telling his followers to cancel their mudik plans. This morning he passed away. My condolences to his family, his fans, all the 'sobat ambyar' ['broken-hearted friends,' another

Didi Kempot, The Godfather of Broken Heart

Source: Antaranews

Another singer name Nassar Fahad Ahmad Sungkar , or some people call him King Nassar or Oppa Nassar become one of the dangdut singers and because his personality is quite unique, people called him "Oppa Nassar Kiyowo".  When McD presents "BTS Meal" and it's sold out it even creates chaos because even though we're still on Pandemic but the queue is very long, then people create fan art King Nassar as BTS Meal packaging just for fun. This shows how dangdut can also imitate modern cultures when it comes to fan production such as fan art as can be seen in the pictures below.

Nassar and fan art





Nassar and his fan art packaging meals





 

 

 

 

 

 






Nassar and fan art

 

                                                                             Nassar and his fan art packaging meals

 

Another form of pop culture is Sinetron short for Sinema Elektronik (Electronic Cinema/Soap Opera) that you can watch on TV. One of the soap operas currently in demand, Ikatan Cinta has many fans: although the audience is dominated by housewives, many others also enjoy watching Ikatan Cinta. The behavior shown is not far from fans elsewhere: namely fans actively participate by visiting the shooting location, attacking other actors who are considered disturbing in the storyline, or even to disturbing the personal life of the actor concerned. However, television is one mainstream dominant media in creating fandom. Jenkins stated in his book that fans are segment of audience that are very active, who do not only reject or accept what is offer, but also demanding to become a full participant. Other example how Islam integrated in pop culture is when in Sinetron (soap opera), the family must be muslim, not the other religion. There are words that always appear such as, "Astagfirullah" ("I seek forgiveness in God") In popular culture, people can say this if they see something wrong or shameful. "Alhamdulillah" = "praise be to Allah", sometimes translated as "thank Allah".  In shaa Allah = "if God wills", and many more. Sinetron is watched by most of the housewives, but all of them are Islam. but these words seem to be usual for them.

My first work about pop culture and fans was titled “Participatory Culture on BTS Army in Indonesia.” The object of this research was the South Korean boyband, Bang Tan Boys, also known as BTS. BTS is also considered as the future of K-Pop, and the symbol of globalization based on their achievement in Billboard Music Awards, which have so far been dominated by Western artists.  In January 2021, Time Magazine featured BTS on their cover and dubbed BTS the “Entertainer of the Year” and the “Next Generation Leaders.” BTS’ fan base is named ARMY, the acronym for Adorable Representative MC for Youth, categorized as a militant-like group. Just like their name, ARMY has so far become the biggest fan club in South Korea, and other K-Pop loving countries including Indonesia. Fandom according to Jenkins transforms personal reaction into social interaction, spectatorial culture into participatory culture. One becomes a ‘fan’ not by being a regular viewer of particular program but by translating that viewing into some kind of cultural activity, by sharing feelings and thoughts about program content with friends, by joining a ‘community’ of other fans who share common interest” (Jenkins, 2006). ARMY fans in Indonesia use all aspects of participatory culture from affiliation, expression, collaboration, and circulation and they are doing so both personally and collectively. When they want their idol to notice their presence by changing all profile pictures or using the same color t-shirt when one of the idol is having a birthday, they did that collectively. Participatory culture shifts from individual expression to community involvement.

My next research dealt with fan practices on Twitter, how they create Social Media Alternate Universe (AU) about their idols. In addition to creating a sense of “closeness” with their idols, fan fiction can also provide a feeling of satisfaction for fans who want an ending or even a whole new world for their idols.  Alternate Universe (AU) is a popular subgenre of fan fiction. Fan fiction usually has a long format platform such as Watt pad or Asian FanFic site.  Now the trend is changing to social media platforms, especially Twitter. Local-based AU on Twitter are somehow more engaging than a story they read on the major fan fiction platform. Readers can easily share their thoughts, make comments and retweet the chapters they like. Writers also sometimes tried to fulfil the readers’ view on the story by creating a poll, involving the readers to choose the storyline. For the past years, many of Indonesia K-pop fans are enjoying local-based alternate universe content from their favourite group. Often the writers have even changed their idols name to be more Indonesian, for example K-pop idol Hyunjin from Stray Kids is Haris in the @eskalokal Twitter account, or K-pop female idol Yena from IZ*ONE is Yanti, a common Indonesian name in the @Wzonetrenggalek Twitter account. One of the fan fiction writer said that she likes to make the content more local because she finds it more comfortable. One of the reader said that when a writer makes the content local, it feels real. The changing platform of fan fiction is more suitable for the informants. It turns out that many fans who initially liked fan fiction using Watt pad or website switch to the social media alternate universe. Not only because their attention span has decreased, but also because the variations of the content make the new form of fanfic even more enjoyable. As they develop the personal relationship through social media fanfic, they like the local content better, because it is easier to understand. Through using the new names for their idols Indonesian fans feel more proximity with the idols.

 

I also have conducted a research about participatory culture amongst students with autism spectrum disorder. Because the anonymity in the world of internet, no one really knows if you are a person with disability or not. That is why those with autism still need to be supervised and mentored when accessing social media. When I did my research on ASD subjects, they should be accompanied by their therapists or parents, and most of the time the ones that answered my questions/or in FGD are their companions. So, sometimes it's difficult to know if it is really what they feel, or is it just because of their habit and that's why their companion can know about that. Even so, there are some questions that are answered by some of the autistic subjects. When they are obsessed with one thing (like one of the subjects really like trains or cats or idols) they will look it up really thoroughly just like any other fans. But it's quite hard for them to interact with each other when it's online. I hope we can have further discussion about this or other impairments. The technology itself does not provide enough accessibility for those who are disabled. From the point of view of teenagers with autism spectrum disorder, social media provides an opportunity for them to access information, because participation and access depend on each other. For example, collaborative problem-solving in fandom depends on differing degrees of access to information and a community that values differences in viewpoint. Most social media platforms assume mainstream users can use their tools but do not consider the needs of those with disabilities.  These exclusions are particularly troubling given the potential of these spaces to stimulate engaged, active citizens of the world. We need more work to build a culture of inclusion and friendliness for persons with disabilities if we are to create more equal opportunities to everyone.

 

My latest work is “Kim Seon Ho, you are cancelled: the collective understanding of Cancel Culture”. In this research, research tries to explore the cancel culture phenomenon and how people give meaning to cancel culture regarding the celebrities that got cancelled. Cancel a celebrity can be beneficial or harmful form of social media activism.

 

Currently, I’m working on two papers about fan activism. The first one is about the participation of fans in online social networks. Networked fandom facilitates the use of a shared hashtag to coordinate interactions between fans and idols.  Doing so enables people to join the activism even though they have never met and don’t know each other. The second one explores how K-Pop fans mobilize many people through small groups in each fan base to spread concerns amongst other fan bases. The same method is also used to ward off rumors or hoaxes, confronting disinformation and misinformation. In this way, fans are embracing a freedom of expression, criticizing rulers and defending themselves against criticism.

 

REFERENCES

Frederick, W. H. (1982). Rhoma Irama and the dangdut style: Aspects of contemporary Indonesian popular culture. Indonesia, (34), 103-130.

Qorib, F., & Dewi, S. I. The Phenomenon of Fans, Social Media, and Modern Campursari Music in Popular Culture. Pekommas.

Quroatun'uyun, Z. A. F. I. R. A. H. (2020). The Dynamics of Industrialization in Dangdut Music Culture on Television with CDA Concept. Ekspresi Seni: Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Dan Karya Seni22(2), 17-31.

 

Rusadi, U. (2015). Penerimaan Makna dari Iklan Televisi da









Nassar and his fan art packaging meals